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DIALECTIC OF ENLIGHTENMENT


Philosophical Fragments


MAX HORKHEIMER and
THEODOR W. ADORNO


Edited by Gunzelin Schmid Noerr
Translated by Edmund Jephcott

 

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DIALECTIC OF ENLIGHTENMENT
Philosophical Fragments
MAX HORKHEIMER and
THEODOR W. ADORNO
Edited by Gunzelin Schmid Noerr
Translated by Edmund Jephcott
  
, 

Dialectic of Enlightenment: Philosophical Fragments is translated from Volume 5
of Max Horkheimer, Gesammelte Schriften: Dialektik der Aufklärung und
Schriften 1940–1950, edited by Gunzelin Schmid Noerr, ©1987 by S. Fishcher
Verlag GmbH, Frankfurt am Main.
Asterisks in the text and display material mark editorial notes created for the
German edition. They include variant readings and other textual concerns.
They are keyed in the reference matter section via the number of the page on
which the asterisk appears and the preceding word. Numbered notes are those
created by Horkheimer and Adorno themselves.
English translation ©2002 by the Board of Trustees
of the Leland Stanford Junior University
Horkheimer, Max, 1895–1973
[Philosophische Fragmente. English]
Dialectic of enlightenment : philosophical fragments / Max Horkheimer and
Theodor W. Adorno ; edited by Gunzelin Schmid Noerr ; translated by
Edmund Jephcott.
p. cm. — (Cultural memory in the present)
Includes bibliographical references.
isbn 0-8047-3632-4 (alk. paper) — isbn 0-8047-3633-2 (pbk: alk. paper)
1. Philosophy. I. Adorno, Theodor W., 1903–1969. II. Schmid Noerr,
Gunzelin. III. Title. IV. Series.
b3279.h8473 p513 2002
193—dc21 2002000073
Printed in the United States of America
Original Printing 2002
Last figure below indicates year of this printing:
11 10 09 08 07 06 05 04 03 02
Typeset at Stanford University Press in 11/13.5 Adobe Garamond
For Friedrich Pollock*

Preface to the New Edition (1969) xi
Preface to the Italian Edition (1962/1966) xiii
Preface (1944 and 1947) xiv
The Concept of Enlightenment 1
Excursus I: Odysseus or Myth and Enlightenment 35
Excursus II: Juliette or Enlightenment and Morality 63
The Culture Industry: Enlightenment as Mass Deception 94
Elements of Anti-Semitism: Limits of Enlightenment 137
Notes and Sketches 173
Editor’s Afterword 217
The Disappearance of Class History in “Dialectic of
Enlightenment”: A Commentary on the Textual Variants
(1944 and 1947), by Willem van Reijen and Jan Bransen 248
Notes 253
Contents

Dialectic of Enlightenment was published in 1947 by Querido in
Amsterdam. The book, which found readers only gradually, has been out
of print for some time. We have been induced to reissue it after more than
twenty years not only by requests from many sides but by the notion that
not a few of the ideas in it are timely now and have largely determined our
later theoretical writings. No one who was not involved in the writing
could easily understand to what extent we both feel responsible for every
sentence. We dictated long stretches together; the Dialectic derives its vital
energy from the tension between the two intellectual temperaments which
came together in writing it.
We do not stand by everything we said in the book in its original
form. That would be incompatible with a theory which attributes a temporal
core to truth instead of contrasting truth as something invariable to
the movement of history. The book was written at a time when the end of
the National Socialist terror was in sight. In not a few places, however, the
formulation is no longer adequate to the reality of today. All the same,
even at that time we did not underestimate the implications of the transition
to the administered world.
In a period of political division into immense blocs driven by an
objective tendency to collide, horror has been prolonged. The conflicts in
the third world and the renewed growth of totalitarianism are not mere
historical interludes any more than, according to the Dialectic, fascism was
at that time. Critical thought, which does not call a halt before progress
itself, requires us to take up the cause of the remnants of freedom, of tendencies
toward real humanity, even though they seem powerless in face of
the great historical trend.
The development toward total integration identified in the book has
Preface to the New Edition (1969)
xii Preface to the 1969 Edition
been interrupted but not terminated; it threatens to be consummated by
means of dictators and wars. Our prognosis regarding the associated lapse
from enlightenment into positivism, into the myth of that which is the
case, and finally of the identity of intelligence and hostility to mind, has
been overwhelmingly confirmed. Our concept of history does not believe
itself elevated above history, but it does not merely chase after information
in the positivist manner. As a critique of philosophy it does not seek to
abandon philosophy itself.
From America, where the book was written, we returned to Germany
with the conviction that, theoretically and practically, we would be
able to achieve more there than elsewhere. Together with Friedrich
Pollock, to whom the book is dedicated on his seventy-fifth birthday as it
was then on his fiftieth, we built up the Institut für Sozialforschung once
again, with the idea of taking further the concepts formulated in Dialectic.
In continuing to develop our theory, and in the common experiences connected
with it, Gretel Adorno has given us the most valuable assistance, as
she did with the first version.
We have made changes far more sparingly than is usual with re-editions
of books dating back several decades. We did not want to retouch
what we had written, not even the obviously inadequate passages. To bring
the text fully up to date with the current situation would have amounted
to nothing less than writing a new book. That what matters today is to
preserve and disseminate freedom, rather than to accelerate, however indirectly,
the advance toward the administered world, we have also argued in
our later writings. We have confined ourselves here to correcting misprints
and suchlike matters. This restraint has made the book a piece of documentation;
we hope that it is also more.
Max Horkheimer Theodor W. Adorno
Frankfurt am Main, April 1969
The German text of Dialectic of Enlightenment is a fragment. Begun
as early as 1942, during the Second World War, it was supposed to form the
introduction to the theory of society and history we had sketched during
the period of National Socialist rule. It is self-evident that, with regard to
terminology and the scope of the questions investigated, the book is
shaped by the social conditions in which it was written.
In keeping with its theme, our book demonstrates tendencies which
turn cultural progress into its opposite. We attempted to do this on the
basis of social phenomena of the 1930s and 1940s in America. However, to
construct a systematic theory which would do justice to the present economic
and political circumstances is a task which, for objective and subjective
reasons, we are unable to perform today. We are therefore happy
that the fragment is appearing in a series devoted predominantly to philosophical
questions.
M.H. and T.W.A.
Frankfurt am Main, March 1966
Preface to the Italian Edition* (1962/1966)
When* we began this work, the first samples of which we dedicate to
Friedrich Pollock, we hoped to be able to present the whole book on his
fiftieth birthday. But the further we proceeded with the task the more we
became aware of the mismatch between it and our own capabilities. What
we had set out to do was nothing less than to explain why humanity,
instead of entering a truly human state, is sinking into a new kind of * barbarism.
We underestimated the difficulty of dealing with the subject
because we still placed too much trust in contemporary consciousness.
While we had noted for many years that, in the operations of modern science,
the major discoveries are paid for with an increasing* decline of theoretical
education, we nevertheless believed that we could follow those
operations to the extent of limiting our work primarily to a critique or a
continuation of specialist theories. Our work was to adhere, at least thematically,
to the traditional disciplines: sociology, psychology, and epistemology.
The fragments we have collected here show, however, that we had to
abandon that trust. While attentive cultivation and investigation of the
scientific heritage—especially when positivist new brooms have swept it
away as useless lumber—does represent one moment of knowledge, in the
present collapse of bourgeois civilization not only the operations but the
purpose of science have become dubious. The tireless self-destruction of
enlightenment hypocritically celebrated by implacable fascists and implemented
by pliable experts in humanity* compels thought to forbid itself
its last remaining innocence regarding the habits and tendencies of the
Zeitgeist. If public life has reached a state in which thought is being turned
inescapably into a commodity and language into celebration of the commodity,
the attempt to trace the sources of this degradation must refuse
Preface (1944 and 1947)
Preface (1944 and 1947) xv
obedience to the current linguistic and intellectual demands before it is
rendered entirely futile by the consequence of those demands for world
history.
If the only obstacles were those arising from the oblivious instrumentalization
of science, thought about social questions could at least
attach itself to tendencies opposed to official science. Those tendencies,
too, however, are caught up in the general process of production. They
have changed no less than the ideology they attacked. They suffer the fate
which has always been reserved for triumphant thought. If it voluntarily
leaves behind its critical element to become a mere means in the service of
an existing order, it involuntarily tends to transform the positive cause it
has espoused into something negative and destructive. The eighteenthcentury
philosophy which, defying the funeral pyres for books and people,
put the fear of death into infamy, joined forces with it under Bonaparte.
Finally, the apologetic school of Comte usurped the succession to
the uncompromising encyclopédistes, extending the hand of friendship* to
all those whom the latter had opposed. Such metamorphoses of critique
into affirmation do not leave theoretical content untouched; its truth
evaporates. Today, however, motorized history is rushing ahead of such
intellectual developments, and the official spokesmen, who have other
concerns, are liquidating the theory to which they owe their place in the
sun* before it has time to prostitute itself completely.*
In reflecting on its own guilt, therefore, thought finds itself deprived
not only of the affirmative reference to science and everyday phenomena
but also of the conceptual language of opposition. No terms are available
which do not tend toward complicity with the prevailing intellectual
trends, and what threadbare language cannot achieve on its own is precisely
made good by the social machinery. The censors voluntarily maintained
by the film factories to avoid greater costs have their counterparts
in all other departments. The process to which a literary text is subjected,
if not in the automatic foresight of its producer then through the battery
of readers, publishers, adapters, and ghost writers inside and outside the
editorial office, outdoes any censor in its thoroughness. To render their
function entirely superfluous appears, despite all the benevolent reforms,
to be the ambition of the educational system. In the belief that without
strict limitation to the observation of facts and the calculation of probabilities
the cognitive mind would be overreceptive to charlatanism and
xvi Preface (1944 and 1947)
superstition, that system is preparing arid ground for the greedy acceptance
of charlatanism and superstition. Just as prohibition has always
ensured the admission of the poisonous product, the blocking of the theoretical
imagination has paved the way for political delusion. Even when
people have not already succumbed to such delusion, they are deprived by
the mechanisms of censorship, both the external ones and those implanted
within them, of the means of resisting it.
The aporia which faced us in our work thus proved to be the first
matter we had to investigate: the self-destruction of enlightenment. We
have no doubt—and herein lies our petitio principii—that freedom in
society is inseparable from enlightenment thinking. We believe we have
perceived with equal clarity, however, that the very concept of that thinking,
no less than the concrete historical forms, the institutions of society
with which it is intertwined, already contains the germ of the regression*
which is taking place everywhere today. If enlightenment does not assimilate
reflection on this regressive moment, it seals its own fate. By leaving
consideration of the destructive side of progress to its enemies, thought in
its headlong* rush into pragmatism is forfeiting its sublating character,
and therefore its relation to truth. In the mysterious willingness of the
technologically educated masses to fall under the spell of any despotism,
in its self-destructive affinity to nationalist paranoia, in all this uncomprehended
senselessness the weakness of contemporary theoretical understanding
is evident.
We believe that in these fragments we have contributed to such
understanding by showing that the cause of enlightenment’s relapse into
mythology is to be sought not so much in the nationalist, pagan, or other
modern mythologies concocted specifically to cause such a relapse as in
the fear of truth which petrifies enlightenment itself. Both these terms,
enlightenment and truth, are to be understood as pertaining not merely to
intellectual history but also to current reality. Just as enlightenment expresses
the real movement of bourgeois society as a whole from the perspective
of the idea embodied in its personalities and institutions, truth
refers not merely to rational* consciousness but equally to the form it takes
in reality. The loyal son of modern civilization’s fear of departing from the
facts, which even in their perception are turned into clichés by the prevailing
usages in science, business, and politics, is exactly the same as the
fear of social deviation. Those usages also define the concept of clarity in
Preface (1944 and 1947) xvii
language and thought to which art, literature, and philosophy must conform
today. By tabooing any thought which sets out negatively from the
facts and from the prevailing modes of thought as obscure, convoluted,
and preferably foreign, that concept holds mind captive in ever deeper
blindness. It is in the nature of the calamitous situation existing today that
even the most honorable reformer who recommends renewal in threadbare
language reinforces the existing order he seeks to break by taking over its
worn-out categorial apparatus and the pernicious power-philosophy lying
behind it. False clarity is only another name for myth. Myth was always
obscure and luminous at once. It has always been distinguished by its
familiarity and its exemption from the work of concepts.
The enslavement to nature of people today cannot be separated from
social progress. The increase in economic productivity which creates the
conditions for a more just world also affords the technical apparatus and
the social groups controlling it a disproportionate advantage over the rest
of the population. The individual is entirely nullified in face of the economic
powers. These powers are taking society’s domination over nature
to unimagined heights. While individuals as such are vanishing before the
apparatus they serve, they are provided for by that apparatus and better
than ever before. In the unjust state of society the powerlessness and pliability
of the masses increase* with the quantity of goods allocated to them.
The materially considerable and socially paltry rise in the standard of living
of the lower classes is reflected in the hypocritical propagation of intellect.
Intellect’s true concern is a negation of reification. It must perish
when it is solidified into a cultural asset and handed out for consumption
purposes. The flood of precise information and brand-new amusements
make people smarter and more stupid at once.
What is at issue here is not culture as a value, as understood by critics
of civilization such as Huxley, Jaspers, and Ortega y Gasset, but the
necessity for enlightenment to reflect on itself if humanity is not to be
totally betrayed. What is at stake is not conservation of the past but the
fulfillment of past hopes. Today, however,* the past is being continued as
destruction of the past. If, up to the nineteenth century, respectable education
was a privilege paid for by the increased sufferings* of the uneducated,
in the twentieth the hygienic factory is bought with the melting
down of all cultural entities in the gigantic crucible.* That might not even
be so high a price as those defenders of culture believe if the bargain sale
xviii Preface (1944 and 1947)
of culture did not contribute to converting economic achievements into
their opposite.
Under the given circumstances the gifts of fortune themselves
become elements of misfortune. If, in the absence of the social subject, the
volume of goods took the form of so-called overproduction in domestic
economic crises in the preceding period, today, thanks to the enthronement
of powerful groups as that social subject, it is producing the international
threat of fascism: progress is reverting to regression. That the
hygienic factory and everything pertaining to it, Volkswagen* and the
sports palace, are obtusely liquidating metaphysics does not matter in
itself, but that these things are themselves becoming metaphysics, an ideological
curtain,* within the social whole, behind which real doom is gathering,
does matter. That is the basic premise of our fragments.
The first essay, the theoretical basis of those which follow, seeks to
gain greater understanding of the intertwinement of rationality and social
reality, as well as of the intertwinement, inseparable from the former, of
nature and the mastery of nature. The critique of enlightenment given in
this section is intended to prepare a positive concept of enlightenment
which liberates it from its entanglement in blind domination.
The critical part of the first essay can be broadly summed up in two
theses: Myth is already enlightenment, and enlightenment reverts to mythology.
These theses are worked out in relation to specific subjects in the
two excurses. The first traces the dialectic of myth and enlightenment in
the Odyssey, as one of the earliest representative documents of bourgeois
Western civilization. It focuses primarily on the concepts of sacrifice and
renunciation, through which both the difference between and the unity of
mythical nature and enlightened mastery of nature become apparent. The
second excursus is concerned with Kant, Sade, and Nietzsche, whose
works represent the implacable consummation of enlightenment. This
section shows how the subjugation of everything natural to the sovereign
subject culminates in the domination of what is blindly objective and natural.
This tendency levels all the antitheses of bourgeois thought, especially
that between moral rigor and absolute amorality.
The section “The Culture Industry” shows the regression of enlightenment
to ideology which is graphically expressed in film and radio. Here,
enlightenment consists primarily in the calculation of effects and in the
technology of production and dissemination; the specific content of the
Preface (1944 and 1947) xix
ideology is exhausted in the idolization of the existing order and of the
power by which the technology is controlled. In the discussion of this contradiction
the culture industry is taken more seriously than it might itself
wish to be. But because its appeal to its own commercial character, its confession
of its diminished truth, has long since become an excuse with
which it evades responsibility for its lies, our analysis is directed at the
claim objectively contained in its products to be aesthetic formations and
thus representations of truth. It demonstrates* the dire state of society by
the invalidity of that claim. Still more than the others, the section on the
culture industry is fragmentary.*
The discussion, in the form of theses, of “Elements of AntiSemitism”
deals with the reversion of enlightened civilization to barbarism
in reality. The not merely theoretical but practical tendency toward selfdestruction
has been inherent in rationality from the first, not only in the
present phase when it is emerging nakedly. For this reason a philosophical
prehistory of anti-Semitism is sketched. Its “irrationalism” derives from
the nature of the dominant reason and of the world corresponding to its
image. The “elements” are directly related to empirical research by the
Institute of Social Research,* the foundation set up and kept alive by Felix
Weil, without which not only our studies but the good part of the theoretical
work of German emigrants carried forward despite Hitler would
not have been possible. We wrote the first three theses jointly with Leo
Löwenthal, with whom we have collaborated on many scholarly questions
since the first years in Frankfurt.
In the last section we publish notes and sketches which, in part, form
part of the ideas in the preceding sections, without having found a place
in them, and in part deal provisionally with problems of future work.
Most of them relate to a dialectical anthropology.*
Los Angeles, California, May 1944
The book contains no essential changes to the text completed during the
war. Only the last thesis of “Elements of Anti-Semitism” was added subsequently.
Max Horkheimer Theodor W. Adorno
June 1947

Enlightenment, understood in the widest sense as the advance of
thought, has always aimed at liberating human beings from fear and
installing them as masters. Yet the wholly enlightened earth is radiant with
triumphant calamity. Enlightenment’s program was the disenchantment
of the world.* It wanted to dispel myths, to overthrow fantasy with knowledge.
Bacon, “the father of experimental philosophy,”1 brought these motifs
together. He despised the exponents of tradition, who substituted belief
for knowledge and were as unwilling to doubt as they were reckless in
supplying answers. All this, he said, stood in the way of “the happy match
between the mind of man and the nature of things,” with the result that
humanity was unable to use its knowledge for the betterment of its condition.
Such inventions as had been made—Bacon cites printing, artillery,
and the compass—had been arrived at more by chance than by systematic
enquiry into nature. Knowledge obtained through such enquiry would
not only be exempt from the influence of wealth and power but would
establish man as the master of nature:
Therefore, no doubt, the sovereignty of man lieth hid in knowledge; wherein many
things are reserved, which kings with their treasure cannot buy, nor with their force
command; their spials and intelligencers can give no news of them, their seamen
and discoverers cannot sail where they grow: now we govern nature in opinions,
but we are thrall unto her in necessity: but if we would be led by her in invention,
we should command her by action.2
The Concept* of Enlightenment
2 The Concept of Enlightenment
Although not a mathematician, Bacon well understood the scientific temper
which was to come after him. The “happy match” between human
understanding and the nature of things that he envisaged is a patriarchal
one: the mind, conquering superstition, is to rule over disenchanted
nature. Knowledge, which is power, knows no limits, either in its enslavement*
of creation or in its deference to worldly masters. Just as it serves all
the purposes of the bourgeois economy both in factories and on the battlefield,
it is at the disposal of entrepreneurs regardless of their origins.
Kings control technology no more directly than do merchants: it is as
democratic as the economic system* with which it evolved. Technology is
the essence of this knowledge. It aims to produce neither concepts nor
images, nor the joy of understanding, but method, exploitation of the
labor of others,* capital. The “many things” which, according to Bacon,
knowledge still held in store are themselves mere instruments: the radio as
a sublimated printing press, the dive bomber as a more effective form of
artillery, remote control as a more reliable compass. What human beings
seek to learn from nature is how to use it to dominate wholly both it and
human beings. Nothing else counts. Ruthless toward itself, the Enlightenment
has eradicated the last remnant of its own self-awareness. Only
thought which does violence to itself is hard enough to shatter myths.
Faced by the present triumph of the factual mentality, Bacon’s nominalist
credo would have smacked of metaphysics and would have been convicted
of the same vanity for which he criticized scholasticism. Power and
knowledge are synonymous.3 For Bacon as for Luther, “knowledge that
tendeth but to satisfaction, is but as a courtesan, which is for pleasure, and
not for fruit or generation.” Its concern is not “satisfaction, which men call
truth,” but “operation,” the effective procedure. The “true end, scope or
office of knowledge” does not consist in “any plausible, delectable, reverend
or admired discourse, or any satisfactory arguments, but in effecting
and working, and in discovery of particulars not revealed before, for the
better endowment and help of man’s life.”4 There shall be neither mystery
nor any desire to reveal mystery.
The disenchantment of the world means the extirpation of animism.
Xenophanes mocked the multiplicity of gods because they resembled their
creators, men, in all their idiosyncrasies and faults, and the latest logic
denounces the words of language, which bear the stamp of impressions, as
counterfeit coin that would be better replaced by neutral counters. The
The Concept of Enlightenment 3
world becomes chaos, and synthesis salvation. No difference is said to exist
between the totemic animal, the dreams of the spirit-seer,* and the absolute
Idea. On their way toward modern science human beings have discarded
meaning. The concept is replaced by the formula, the cause by rules and
probability. Causality was only the last philosophical concept on which scientific
criticism tested its strength, because it alone of the old ideas still
stood in the way of such criticism, the latest secular form of the creative
principle. To define substance and quality, activity and suffering, being and
existence in terms appropriate to the time has been a concern of philosophy
since Bacon; but science could manage without such categories. They
were left behind as idola theatri of the old metaphysics and even in their
time were monuments to entities and powers from prehistory. In that distant
time life and death had been interpreted and interwoven in myths.
The categories by which Western philosophy defined its timeless order of
nature marked out the positions which had once been occupied by Ocnus
and Persephone, Ariadne and Nereus. The moment of transition is recorded
in the pre-Socratic cosmologies. The moist, the undivided, the air and
fire which they take to be the primal stuff of nature are early rationalizations
precipitated from the mythical vision. Just as the images of generation
from water and earth, that had come to the Greeks from the Nile, were
converted by these cosmologies into Hylozoic principles and elements, the
whole ambiguous profusion of mythical demons was intellectualized to become
the pure form of ontological entities. Even the patriarchal gods of
Olympus were finally assimilated by the philosophical logos as the Platonic
Forms. But the Enlightenment discerned the old powers in the Platonic
and Aristotelian heritage of metaphysics and suppressed the universal categories’
claims to truth as superstition. In the authority of universal concepts
the Enlightenment detected a fear of the demons through whose effigies
human beings had tried to influence nature in magic rituals. From now on
matter was finally to be controlled without the illusion of immanent powers
or hidden properties. For enlightenment, anything which does not conform
to the standard of calculability and utility must be viewed with suspicion.
Once the movement is able to develop unhampered by external
oppression, there is no holding it back. Its own ideas of human rights then
fare no better than the older universals. Any intellectual resistance it encounters
merely increases its strength.5 The reason is that enlightenment
also recognizes itself in the old myths. No matter which myths are invoked
4 The Concept of Enlightenment
against it, by being used as arguments they are made to acknowledge the
very principle of corrosive rationality of which enlightenment stands accused.
Enlightenment is totalitarian.
Enlightenment has always regarded anthropomorphism, the projection
of subjective properties onto nature, as the basis of myth.6 The supernatural,
spirits and demons, are taken to be reflections of human beings
who allow themselves to be frightened by natural phenomena. According
to enlightened thinking, the multiplicity of mythical figures can be
reduced to a single common denominator, the subject. Oedipus’s answer
to the riddle of the Sphinx—“That being is man”—is repeated indiscriminately
as enlightenment’s stereotyped message, whether in response to a
piece of objective meaning, a schematic order, a fear of evil powers, or a
hope of salvation. For the Enlightenment, only what can be encompassed
by unity has the status of an existent or an event; its ideal is the system
from which everything and anything follows. Its rationalist and empiricist
versions do not differ on that point. Although the various schools may
have interpreted its axioms differently, the structure of unitary science has
always been the same. Despite the pluralism of the different fields of
research, Bacon’s postulate of una scientia universalis7 is as hostile to anything
which cannot be connected as Leibniz’s mathesis universalis is to discontinuity.
The multiplicity of forms is reduced to position and arrangement,
history to fact, things to matter. For Bacon, too, there was a clear
logical connection, through degrees of generality, linking the highest principles
to propositions based on observation. De Maistre mocks him for
harboring this “idolized ladder.”8 Formal logic was the high school of unification.
It offered Enlightenment thinkers a schema for making the world
calculable. The mythologizing equation of Forms with numbers in Plato’s
last writings expresses the longing of all demythologizing: number became
enlightenment’s canon. The same equations govern bourgeois justice and
commodity exchange. “Is not the rule, ‘Si inaequalibus aequalia addas,
omnia erunt inaequalia,’ [If you add like to unlike you will always end up
with unlike] an axiom of justice as well as of mathematics? And is there
not a true coincidence between commutative and distributive justice, and
arithmetical and geometrical proportion?”9 Bourgeois society is ruled by
equivalence. It makes dissimilar things comparable by reducing them to
abstract quantities. For the Enlightenment, anything which cannot be
resolved into numbers, and ultimately into one, is illusion; modern posi-
The Concept of Enlightenment 5
tivism consigns it to poetry. Unity remains the watchword from Parmenides
to Russell. All gods and qualities must be destroyed.
But the myths which fell victim to the Enlightenment were themselves
its products. The scientific calculation of events annuls the account
of them which thought had once given in myth. Myth sought to report,
to name, to tell of origins—but therefore also to narrate, record, explain.
This tendency was reinforced by the recording and collecting of myths.
From a record, they soon became a teaching. Each ritual contains a representation
of how things happen and of the specific process which is to be
influenced by magic. In the earliest popular epics this theoretical element
of ritual became autonomous. The myths which the tragic dramatists drew
on were already marked by the discipline and power which Bacon celebrated
as the goal. The local spirits and demons had been replaced by
heaven and its hierarchy, the incantatory practices of the magician by the
carefully graduated sacrifice and the labor of enslaved men mediated by
command. The Olympian deities are no longer directly identical with elements,
but signify them. In Homer Zeus controls the daytime sky, Apollo
guides the sun; Helios and Eos are already passing over into allegory. The
gods detach themselves from substances to become their quintessence.
From now on, being is split between logos—which, with the advance of
philosophy, contracts to a monad, a mere reference point—and the mass
of things and creatures in the external world. The single distinction
between man’s own existence and reality swallows up all others. Without
regard for differences, the world is made subject to man. In this the Jewish
story of creation and the Olympian religion are at one: “. . . and let them
have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and
over the cattle, and over all the earth, and over every creeping thing that
creepeth upon the earth.”10 “O Zeus, Father Zeus, yours is the dominion
of the heavens; you oversee the works of men, both the wicked and the
just, and the unruly animals, you who uphold righteousness.”11 “It is so
ordained that one atones at once, another later; but even should one
escape the doom threatened by the gods, it will surely come to pass one
day, and innocents shall expiate his deed, whether his children or a later
generation.”12 Only those who subject themselves utterly pass muster with
the gods. The awakening of the subject is bought with the recognition of
power as the principle of all relationships. In face of the unity of such reason
the distinction between God and man is reduced to an irrelevance, as
6 The Concept of Enlightenment
reason has steadfastly indicated since the earliest critique of Homer. In
their mastery of nature, the creative God and the ordering mind are alike.
Man’s likeness to God consists in sovereignty over existence, in the lordly
gaze, in the command.
Myth becomes enlightenment and nature mere objectivity. Human
beings purchase the increase in their power with estrangement from that
over which it is exerted. Enlightenment stands in the same relationship to
things as the dictator to human beings. He knows them to the extent that
he can manipulate them. The man of science knows things to the extent
that he can make them. Their “in-itself ” becomes “for him.” In their
transformation the essence of things is revealed as always the same, a substrate
of domination. This identity constitutes the unity of nature. Neither
it nor the unity of the subject was presupposed by magical incantation.
The rites of the shaman were directed at the wind, the rain, the snake outside
or the demon inside the sick person, not at materials or specimens.
The spirit which practiced magic was not single or identical; it changed
with the cult masks which represented the multiplicity of spirits. Magic is
bloody untruth, but in it domination is not yet disclaimed by transforming
itself into a pure truth underlying the world which it enslaves. The
magician imitates demons; to frighten or placate them he makes intimidating
or appeasing gestures. Although his task was impersonation he did
not claim to be made in the image of the invisible power, as does civilized
man, whose modest hunting ground then shrinks to the unified cosmos,
in which nothing exists but prey. Only when made in such an image does
man attain the identity of the self which cannot be lost in identification
with the other but takes possession of itself once and for all as an impenetrable
mask. It is the identity of mind and its correlative, the unity of
nature, which subdues the abundance of qualities. Nature, stripped of
qualities, becomes the chaotic stuff of mere classification, and the all-powerful
self becomes a mere having, an abstract identity. Magic implies specific
representation. What is done to the spear, the hair, the name of the
enemy, is also to befall his person; the sacrificial animal is slain in place of
the god. The substitution which takes place in sacrifice marks a step
toward discursive logic. Even though the hind which was offered up for
the daughter, the lamb for the firstborn, necessarily still had qualities of its
own, it already represented the genus. It manifested the arbitrariness of
the specimen. But the sanctity of the hic et nunc, the uniqueness of the
The Concept of Enlightenment 7
chosen victim which coincides with its representative status, distinguishes
it radically, makes it non-exchangeable even in the exchange. Science puts
an end to this. In it there is no specific representation: something which is
a sacrificial animal cannot be a god. Representation gives way to universal
fungibility. An atom is smashed not as a representative but as a specimen
of matter, and the rabbit suffering the torment of the laboratory is seen not
as a representative but, mistakenly, as a mere exemplar. Because in functional
science the differences are so fluid that everything is submerged in
one and the same matter, the scientific object is petrified, whereas the rigid
ritual of former times appears supple in its substitution of one thing for
another. The world of magic still retained differences whose traces have
vanished even in linguistic forms.13 The manifold affinities between existing
things are supplanted by the single relationship between the subject
who confers meaning and the meaningless object, between rational significance
and its accidental bearer. At the magical stage dream and image
were not regarded as mere signs of things but were linked to them by
resemblance or name. The relationship was not one of intention but of
kinship. Magic like science is concerned with ends, but it pursues them
through mimesis, not through an increasing distance from the object. It
certainly is not founded on the “omnipotence of thought,” which the
primitive is supposed to impute to himself like the neurotic;14 there can be
no “over-valuation of psychical acts” in relation to reality where thought
and reality are not radically distinguished. The “unshakable confidence in
the possibility of controlling the world”15 which Freud anachronistically
attributes to magic applies only to the more realistic form of world domination
achieved by the greater astuteness of science. The autonomy of
thought in relation to objects, as manifested in the reality-adequacy of the
Ego, was a prerequisite for the replacement of the localized practices of the
medicine man by all-embracing industrial technology.*
As a totality set out in language and laying claim to a truth which
suppressed the older mythical faith of popular religion, the solar, patriarchal
myth was itself an enlightenment, fully comparable on that level to
the philosophical one. But now it paid the price. Mythology itself set in
motion the endless process of enlightenment by which, with ineluctable
necessity, every definite theoretical view is subjected to the annihilating
criticism that it is only a belief, until even the concepts of mind, truth,
and, indeed, enlightenment itself have been reduced to animistic magic.
8 The Concept of Enlightenment
The principle of the fated necessity which caused the downfall of the
mythical hero, and finally evolved as the logical conclusion from the oracular
utterance, not only predominates, refined to the cogency of formal
logic, in every rationalistic system of Western philosophy but also presides
over the succession of systems which begins with the hierarchy of the gods
and, in a permanent twilight of the idols, hands down a single identical
content: wrath against those of insufficient righteousness.* Just as myths
already entail enlightenment, with every step enlightenment entangles
itself more deeply in mythology. Receiving all its subject matter from
myths, in order to destroy them, it falls as judge under the spell of myth.
It seeks to escape the trial of fate and retribution by itself exacting retribution
on that trial. In myths, everything that happens must atone for the
fact of having happened. It is no different in enlightenment: no sooner has
a fact been established than it is rendered insignificant. The doctrine that
action equals reaction continued to maintain the power of repetition over
existence long after humankind had shed the illusion that, by repetition,
it could identify itself with repeated existence and so escape its power. But
the more the illusion of magic vanishes, the more implacably repetition, in
the guise of regularity, imprisons human beings in the cycle now objectified
in the laws of nature, to which they believe they owe their security as
free subjects. The principle of immanence, the explanation of every event
as repetition, which enlightenment upholds against mythical imagination,
is that of myth itself. The arid wisdom which acknowledges nothing new
under the sun, because all the pieces in the meaningless game have been
played out, all the great thoughts have been thought, all possible discoveries
can be construed in advance, and human beings are defined by selfpreservation
through adaptation—this barren wisdom merely reproduces
the fantastic doctrine it rejects: the sanction of fate which, through retribution,
incessantly reinstates what always was. Whatever might be different
is made the same. That is the verdict which critically sets the boundaries
to possible experience. The identity of everything with everything is
bought at the cost that nothing can at the same time be identical to itself.
Enlightenment dissolves away the injustice of the old inequality of
unmediated mastery, but at the same time perpetuates it in universal
mediation, by relating every existing thing to every other. It brings about
the situation for which Kierkegaard praised his Protestant ethic and which,
in the legend-cycle of Hercules, constitutes one of the primal images of
The Concept of Enlightenment 9
mythical violence: it amputates the incommensurable. Not merely are
qualities dissolved in thought, but human beings are forced into real conformity.
The blessing that the market does not ask about birth is paid for
in the exchange society by the fact that the possibilities conferred by birth
are molded to fit the production of goods that can be bought on the market.
Each human being has been endowed with a self of his or her own,
different from all others, so that it could all the more surely be made the
same. But because that self never quite fitted the mold, enlightenment
throughout the liberalistic period has always sympathized with social coercion.
The unity of the manipulated collective consists in the negation of
each individual and in the scorn poured on the type of society which could
make people into individuals. The horde, a term which doubtless* is to be
found in the Hitler Youth organization, is not a relapse into the old barbarism
but the triumph of repressive égalité, the degeneration of the equality
of rights into the wrong inflicted by equals. The fake myth of fascism
reveals itself as the genuine myth of prehistory, in that the genuine myth
beheld retribution while the false one wreaks it blindly on its victims. Any
attempt to break the compulsion of nature by breaking nature only succumbs
more deeply to that compulsion. That has been the trajectory of
European civilization. Abstraction, the instrument of enlightenment,
stands in the same relationship to its objects as fate, whose concept it eradicates:
as liquidation. Under the leveling rule of abstraction, which makes
everything in nature repeatable, and of industry, for which abstraction prepared
the way, the liberated finally themselves become the “herd” (Trupp),
which Hegel16 identified as the outcome of enlightenment.
The distance of subject from object, the presupposition of abstraction,
is founded on the distance from things which the ruler attains by
means of the ruled. The songs of Homer and the hymns of the Rig Veda
date from the time of territorial dominion and its strongholds, when a
warlike race of overlords imposed itself on the defeated indigenous population.17
The supreme god among gods came into being with this civil
world in which the king, as leader of the arms-bearing nobility, tied the
subjugated people* to the land while doctors, soothsayers, artisans, and
traders took care of circulation. With the end of nomadism the social order
is established on the basis of fixed property. Power and labor diverge. A
property owner like Odysseus “controls from a distance a numerous, finely
graded personnel of ox herds, shepherds, swineherds, and servants. In
10 The Concept of Enlightenment
the evening, having looked out from his castle to see the countryside lit up
by a thousand fires, he can go to his rest in peace. He knows that his loyal
servants are watching to keep away wild animals and to drive away thieves
from the enclosures which they are there to protect.”18 The generality of
the ideas developed by discursive logic, power in the sphere of the concept,
is built on the foundation of power in reality. The superseding of the old
diffuse notions of the magical heritage by conceptual unity expresses a
condition of life defined by the freeborn citizen and articulated by command.
The self which learned about order and subordination through the
subjugation of the world soon equated truth in general with classifying
thought, without whose fixed distinctions it cannot exist. Along with
mimetic magic it tabooed the knowledge which really apprehends the
object. Its hatred is directed at the image of the vanquished primeval world
and its imaginary happiness. The dark, chthonic gods of the original
inhabitants are banished to the hell into which the earth is transformed
under the religions of Indra and Zeus, with their worship of sun and light.
But heaven and hell were linked. The name Zeus was applied both
to a god of the underworld and to a god of light in cults which did not
exclude each other,19 and the Olympian gods maintained all kinds of commerce
with the chthonic deities. In the same way, the good and evil powers,
the holy and the unholy, were not unambiguously distinguished. They
were bound together like genesis and decline, life and death, summer and
winter. The murky, undivided entity worshipped as the principle of mana
at the earliest known stages of humanity lived on in the bright world of
the Greek religion. Primal and undifferentiated, it is everything unknown
and alien; it is that which transcends the bounds of experience, the part of
things which is more than their immediately perceived existence. What
the primitive experiences as supernatural is not a spiritual substance in
contradistinction to the material world but the complex concatenation of
nature in contrast to its individual link.* The cry of terror called forth by
the unfamiliar becomes its name. It fixes the transcendence of the unknown
in relation to the known, permanently linking horror to holiness.
The doubling of nature into appearance and essence, effect and force,
made possible by myth no less than by science, springs from human fear,
the expression of which becomes its explanation. This does not mean that
the soul is transposed into nature, as psychologism would have us believe;
mana, the moving spirit, is not a projection but the echo of the real pre-
The Concept of Enlightenment 11
ponderance of nature in the weak psyches of primitive people. The split
between animate and inanimate, the assigning of demons and deities to
certain specific places, arises from this preanimism. Even the division of
subject and object is prefigured in it. If the tree is addressed no longer as
simply a tree but as evidence of something else, a location of mana, language
expresses the contradiction that it is at the same time itself and
something other than itself, identical and not identical.20 Through the
deity speech is transformed from tautology into language. The concept,
usually defined as the unity of the features of what it subsumes, was rather,
from the first, a product of dialectical thinking, in which each thing is
what it is only by becoming what it is not. This was the primal form of the
objectifying definition, in which concept and thing became separate, the
same definition which was already far advanced in the Homeric epic and
trips over its own excesses in modern positive science. But this dialectic
remains powerless as long as it emerges from the cry of terror, which is the
doubling, the mere tautology of terror itself. The gods cannot take away
fear from human beings, the petrified cries of whom they bear as their
names. Humans believe themselves free of fear when there is no longer
anything unknown. This has determined the path of demythologization,
of enlightenment, which equates the living with the nonliving as myth
had equated the nonliving with the living. Enlightenment is mythical fear
radicalized. The pure immanence of positivism, its ultimate product, is
nothing other than a form of universal taboo. Nothing is allowed to remain
outside, since the mere idea of the “outside” is the real source of fear.
If the revenge of primitive people for a murder committed on a member
of their family could sometimes be assuaged by admitting the murderer
into that family,21 both the murder and its remedy mean the absorption of
alien blood into one’s own, the establishment of immanence. The mythical
dualism does not lead outside the circle of existence. The world controlled
by mana, and even the worlds of Indian and Greek myth, are issueless
and eternally the same. All birth is paid for with death, all fortune
with misfortune. While men and gods may attempt in their short span to
assess their fates by a measure other than blind destiny, existence triumphs
over them in the end. Even their justice, wrested from calamity, bears its
features; it corresponds to the way in which human beings, primitives no
less than Greeks and barbarians, looked upon their world from within a
society of oppression and poverty. Hence, for both mythical and enlight-
12 The Concept of Enlightenment
ened justice, guilt and atonement, happiness and misfortune, are seen as
the two sides of an equation. Justice gives way to law. The shaman wards
off a danger with its likeness. Equivalence is his instrument; and equivalence
regulates punishment and reward within civilization. The imagery of
myths, too, can be traced back without exception to natural conditions.
Just as the constellation Gemini, like all the other symbols of duality, refers
to the inescapable cycle of nature; just as this cycle itself has its primeval
sign in the symbol of the egg from which those later symbols are sprung,
the Scales (Libra) held by Zeus, which symbolize the justice of the entire
patriarchal world, point back to mere nature. The step from chaos to civilization,
in which natural conditions exert their power no longer directly
but through the consciousness of human beings, changed nothing in the
principle of equivalence. Indeed, human beings atoned for this very step
by worshipping that to which previously, like all other creatures, they had
been merely subjected. Earlier, fetishes had been subject to the law of
equivalence. Now equivalence itself becomes a fetish. The blindfold over
the eyes of Justitia means not only that justice brooks no interference but
that it does not originate in freedom.
The teachings of the priests were symbolic in the sense that in them
sign and image coincided. As the hieroglyphs attest, the word originally
also had a pictorial function. This function was transferred to myths. They,
like magic rites, refer to the repetitive cycle of nature. Nature as self-repetition
is the core of the symbolic: an entity or a process which is conceived
as eternal because it is reenacted again and again in the guise of the symbol.
Inexhaustibility, endless renewal, and the permanence of what they
signify are not only attributes of all symbols but their true content.
Contrary to the Jewish Genesis, the representations of creation in which
the world emerges from the primal mother, the cow or the egg, are symbolic.
The scorn of the ancients for their all-too-human gods left their core
untouched. The essence of the gods is not exhausted by individuality.
They still had about them a quality of mana; they embodied nature as a
universal power. With their preanimistic traits they intrude into the
enlightenment. Beneath the modest veil of the Olympian chronique scandaleuse
the doctrine of the commingling and colliding of elements had
evolved; establishing itself at once as science, it turned the myths into figments
of fantasy. With the clean separation between science and poetry
The Concept of Enlightenment 13
the division of labor which science had helped to establish was extended
to language. For science the word is first of all a sign; it is then distributed
among the various arts as sound, image, or word proper, but its unity can
never be restored by the addition of these arts, by synaesthesia or total art.*
As sign, language must resign itself to being calculation and, to know
nature, must renounce the claim to resemble it. As image it must resign
itself to being a likeness and, to be entirely nature, must renounce the
claim to know it. With advancing enlightenment, only authentic works of
art have been able to avoid the mere imitation of what already is. The prevailing
antithesis between art and science, which rends the two apart as
areas of culture in order to make them jointly manageable as areas of culture,
finally causes them, through their internal tendencies as exact opposites,
to converge. Science, in its neopositivist interpretation, becomes aestheticism,
a system of isolated signs devoid of any intention transcending
the system; it becomes the game which mathematicians have long since
proudly declared their activity to be. Meanwhile, art as integral replication
has pledged itself to positivist science, even in its specific techniques. It
becomes, indeed, the world over again, an ideological doubling, a compliant
reproduction. The separation of sign and image is inescapable. But if,
with heedless complacency, it is hypostatized over again, then each of the
isolated principles tends toward the destruction of truth.
Philosophy has perceived the chasm opened by this separation as the
relationship between intuition and concept and repeatedly but vainly has
attempted to close it; indeed, philosophy is defined by that attempt.
Usually, however, it has sided with the tendency to which it owes its name.
Plato banished poetry with the same severity with which positivism dismissed
the doctrine of Forms. Homer, Plato argued, had procured neither
public nor private reforms through his much-vaunted art, had neither won
a war nor made an invention. We did not know, he said, of any numerous
followers who had honored or loved him. Art had to demonstrate its usefulness.22
The making of images was proscribed by Plato as it was by the
Jews. Both reason and religion outlaw the principle of magic. Even in its
resigned detachment from existence, as art, it remains dishonorable; those
who practice it become vagrants, latter-day nomads, who find no domicile
among the settled. Nature is no longer to be influenced by likeness but
mastered through work. Art has in common with magic the postulation of
a special, self-contained sphere removed from the context of profane exis-
14 The Concept of Enlightenment
tence. Within it special laws prevail. Just as the sorcerer begins the ceremony
by marking out from all its surroundings the place in which the
sacred forces are to come into play, each work of art is closed off from reality
by its own circumference. The very renunciation of external effects by
which art is distinguished from magical sympathy binds art only more
deeply to the heritage of magic. This renunciation places the pure image
in opposition to corporeal existence, the elements of which the image sublates
within itself. It is in the nature of the work of art, of aesthetic illusion,
to be what was experienced as a new and terrible event in the magic
of primitives: the appearance of the whole in the particular. The work of
art constantly reenacts the duplication by which the thing appeared as
something spiritual, a manifestation of mana. That constitutes its aura. As
an expression of totality art claims the dignity of the absolute. This has
occasionally led philosophy to rank it higher than conceptual knowledge.
According to Schelling, art begins where knowledge leaves humans in the
lurch. For him art is “the model of science, and wherever art is, there science
must go.”23 According to his theory the separation of image and sign
“is entirely abolished by each single representation of art.”24 The bourgeois
world was rarely amenable to such confidence in art. Where it restricted
knowledge, it generally did so to make room for faith, not art. It was
through faith that the militant religiosity of the modern age, of Torquemada,
Luther, and Mohammed, sought to reconcile spirit and existence.
But faith is a privative concept: it is abolished as faith if it does not
continuously assert either its opposition to knowledge or its agreement
with it. In being dependent on the limits set to knowledge, it is itself limited.
The attempt made by faith under Protestantism to locate the principle
of truth, which transcends faith and without which faith cannot exist,
directly in the word itself, as in primeval times, and to restore the symbolic
power of the word, was paid for by obedience to the word, but not in its
sacred form. Because faith is unavoidably tied to knowledge as its friend
or its foe, faith perpetuates the split in the struggle to overcome knowledge:
its fanaticism is the mark of its untruth, the objective admission that
anyone who only believes for that reason no longer believes. Bad conscience
is second nature to it. The secret awareness of this necessary, inherent
flaw, the immanent contradiction that lies in making a profession of
reconciliation, is the reason why honesty in believers has always been a
sensitive and dangerous affair. The horrors of fire and sword, of counter-
The Concept of Enlightenment 15
Reformation and Reformation, were perpetrated not as an exaggeration
but as a realization of the principle of faith. Faith repeatedly shows itself
of the same stamp as the world history it would like to command; indeed,
in the modern period it has become that history’s preferred means, its special
ruse. Not only is the Enlightenment of the eighteenth century inexorable,
as Hegel confirmed; so, too, as none knew better than he, is the
movement of thought itself. The lowest insight, like the highest, contains
the knowledge of its distance from the truth, which makes the apologist a
liar. The paradox of faith degenerates finally into fraud, the myth of the
twentieth century* and faith’s irrationality into rational organization in the
hands of the utterly enlightened as they steer society toward barbarism.
When language first entered history its masters were already priests
and sorcerers. Anyone who affronted the symbols fell prey in the name of
the unearthly powers to the earthly ones, represented by these appointed
organs of society. What preceded that stage is shrouded in darkness.
Wherever it is found in ethnology, the terror from which mana was born
was already sanctioned, at least by the tribal elders. Unidentical, fluid
mana was solidified, violently materialized by men. Soon the sorcerers had
populated every place with its emanations and coordinated the multiplicity
of sacred realms with that of sacred rites. With the spirit-world and its
peculiarities they extended their esoteric knowledge and their power. The
sacred essence was transferred to the sorcerers who managed it. In the first
stages of nomadism the members of the tribe still played an independent
part in influencing the course of nature. The men tracked prey while the
women performed tasks which did not require rigid commands. How
much violence preceded the habituation to even so simple an order cannot
be known. In that order the world was already divided into zones of
power and of the profane. The course of natural events as an emanation of
mana had already been elevated to a norm demanding submission. But if
the nomadic savage, despite his subjection, could still participate in the
magic which defined the limits of that world, and could disguise himself
as his quarry in order to stalk it, in later periods the intercourse with spirits
and the subjection were assigned to different classes of humanity:
power to one side, obedience to the other. The recurring, never-changing
natural processes were drummed into the subjects, either by other tribes
or by their own cliques, as the rhythm of work, to the beat of the club and
the rod, which reechoed in every barbaric drum, in each monotonous rit-
16 The Concept of Enlightenment
ual. The symbols take on the expression of the fetish. The repetition of
nature which they signify always manifests itself in later times as the permanence
of social compulsion, which the symbols represent. The dread
objectified in the fixed image becomes a sign of the consolidated power of
the privileged.* But general concepts continued to symbolize that power
even when they had shed all pictorial traits. Even the deductive form of
science mirrors hierarchy and compulsion. Just as the first categories represented
the organized tribe and its power over the individual, the entire
logical order, with its chains of inference and dependence, the superordination
and coordination of concepts, is founded on the corresponding
conditions in social reality, that is, on the division of labor.25 Of course,
this social character of intellectual forms is not, as Durkheim argues, an
expression of social solidarity but evidence of the impenetrable unity of
society and power. Power confers increased cohesion and strength on the
social whole in which it is established. The division of labor, through
which power manifests itself socially, serves the self-preservation of the
dominated whole. But this necessarily turns the whole, as a whole, and the
operation of its immanent reason, into a means of enforcing the particular
interest. Power confronts the individual as the universal, as the reason
which informs reality. The power of all the members of society, to whom
as individuals no other way is open, is constantly summated, through the
division of labor imposed on them, in the realization of the whole, whose
rationality is thereby multiplied over again. What is done to all by the few
always takes the form of the subduing of individuals by the many: the
oppression of society always bears the features of oppression by a collective.
It is this unity of collectivity and power, and not the immediate social
universal, solidarity, which is precipitated in intellectual forms. Through
their claim to universal validity, the philosophical concepts with which
Plato and Aristotle represented the world elevated the conditions which
those concepts justified to the status of true reality. They originated, as
Vico put it,26 in the marketplace of Athens; they reflected with the same
fidelity the laws of physics, the equality of freeborn citizens, and the inferiority
of women, children, and slaves. Language itself endowed what it
expressed, the conditions of domination, with the universality it had
acquired as the means of intercourse in civil society. The metaphysical
emphasis, the sanction by ideas and norms, was no more than a hypostatization
of the rigidity and exclusivity which concepts have necessarily
The Concept of Enlightenment 17
taken on wherever language has consolidated the community of the rulers
for the enforcement of commands. As a means of reinforcing the social
power of language, ideas became more superfluous the more that power
increased, and the language of science put an end to them altogether.
Conscious justification lacked the suggestive power which springs from
dread of the fetish. The unity of collectivity and power now revealed itself
in the generality which faulty content necessarily takes on in language,
whether metaphysical or scientific. The metaphysical apologia at least
betrayed the injustice of the established order through the incongruence of
concept and reality. The impartiality of scientific language deprived what
was powerless of the strength to make itself heard and merely provided the
existing order with a neutral sign for itself. Such neutrality is more metaphysical
than metaphysics. Enlightenment finally devoured not only symbols
but also their successors, universal concepts, and left nothing of metaphysics
behind except the abstract fear of the collective from which it had
sprung. Concepts in face of enlightenment are like those living on unearned
income in face of industrial trusts:* none can feel secure. If logical
positivism still allowed some latitude for probability, ethnological positivism
already equates probability with essence. “Our vague ideas of
chance and quintessence are pale relics of that far richer notion,”27 that is,
of the magical substance.
Enlightenment as a nominalist tendency stops short before the
nomen, the non-extensive, restricted concept, the proper name. Although28
it cannot be established with certainty whether proper names were originally
generic names, as some maintain, the former have not yet shared the
fate of the latter. The substantial ego repudiated by Hume and Mach is not
the same thing as the name. In the Jewish religion, in which the idea of
the patriarchy is heightened to the point of annihilating myth, the link
between name and essence is still acknowledged in the prohibition on
uttering the name of God. The disenchanted world of Judaism propitiates
magic by negating it in the idea of God. The Jewish religion brooks no
word which might bring solace to the despair of all mortality. It places all
hope in the prohibition on invoking falsity as God, the finite as the infinite,
the lie as truth. The pledge of salvation lies in the rejection of any
faith which claims to depict it, knowledge in the denunciation of illusion.
Negation, however, is not abstract. The indiscriminate denial of anything
positive, the stereotyped formula of nothingness as used by Buddhism,
18 The Concept of Enlightenment
ignores the ban on calling the absolute by its name no less than its opposite,
pantheism, or the latter’s caricature, bourgeois skepticism. Explanations
of the world as nothingness or as the entire cosmos are mythologies,
and the guaranteed paths to redemption sublimated magical practices.
The self-satisfaction of knowing in advance, and the transfiguration of
negativity as redemption, are untrue forms of the resistance to deception.
The right of the image is rescued in the faithful observance of its prohibition.
Such observance, “determinate negation,”29 is not exempted from the
enticements of intuition by the sovereignty of the abstract concept, as is
skepticism, for which falsehood and truth are equally void. Unlike rigorism,
determinate negation does not simply reject imperfect representations
of the absolute, idols, by confronting them with the idea they are
unable to match. Rather, dialectic discloses each image as script. It teaches
us to read from its features the admission of falseness which cancels its
power and hands it over to truth. Language thereby becomes more than a
mere system of signs. With the concept of determinate negation Hegel
gave prominence to an element which distinguishes enlightenment from
the positivist decay to which he consigned it. However, by finally postulating
the known result of the whole process of negation, totality in the
system and in history, as the absolute, he violated the prohibition and
himself succumbed to mythology.
That fate befell not only his philosophy, as the apotheosis of advancing
thought, but enlightenment itself, in the form of the sober matter-offactness
by which it purported to distinguish itself from Hegel and from
metaphysics in general. For enlightenment is totalitarian as only a system
can be. Its untruth does not lie in the analytical method, the reduction to
elements, the decomposition through reflection, as its Romantic enemies
had maintained from the first, but in its assumption that the trial is prejudged.
When in mathematics the unknown becomes the unknown quantity
in an equation, it is made into something long familiar before any
value* has been assigned. Nature, before and after quantum theory, is what
can be registered mathematically; even what cannot be assimilated, the
insoluble and irrational, is fenced in by mathematical theorems. In the
preemptive identification of the thoroughly mathematized world with
truth, enlightenment believes itself safe from the return of the mythical. It
equates thought with mathematics. The latter is thereby cut loose, as it
were, turned into an absolute authority. “An infinite world, in this case a
The Concept of Enlightenment 19
world of idealities, is conceived as one in which objects are not accessible
individually to our cognition in an imperfect and accidental way but are
attained by a rational, systematically unified method which finally apprehends
each object—in an infinite progression—fully as its own initself.
. . . In Galileo’s mathematization of nature, nature itself is idealized
on the model of the new mathematics. In modern terms, it becomes a
mathematical manifold.”30 Thought is reified as an autonomous, automatic
process, aping the machine it has itself produced, so that it can finally
be replaced by the machine. Enlightenment31 pushed aside the classical
demand to “think thinking”—Fichte’s philosophy is its radical fulfillment—because
it distracted philosophers from the command to control
praxis, which Fichte himself had wanted to enforce. Mathematical procedure
became a kind of ritual of thought. Despite its axiomatic self-limitation,
it installed itself as necessary and objective: mathematics made
thought into a thing—a tool, to use its own term. Through this mimesis,
however, in which thought makes the world resemble itself, the actual has
become so much the only concern that even the denial of God falls under
the same judgment as metaphysics. For positivism, which has assumed the
judicial office of enlightened reason, to speculate about intelligible worlds
is no longer merely forbidden but senseless prattle. Positivism—fortunately
for it—does not need to be atheistic, since objectified thought cannot
even pose the question of the existence of God. The positivist sensor
turns a blind eye to official worship, as a special, knowledge-free zone of
social activity, just as willingly as to art—but never to denial, even when
it has a claim to be knowledge. For the scientific temper, any deviation of
thought from the business of manipulating the actual, any stepping outside
the jurisdiction of existence, is no less senseless and self-destructive
than it would be for the magician to step outside the magic circle drawn
for his incantation; and in both cases violation of the taboo carries a heavy
price for the offender. The mastery of nature draws the circle in which the
critique of pure reason holds thought spellbound. Kant combined the
doctrine of thought’s restlessly toilsome progress toward infinity with
insistence on its insufficiency and eternal limitation. The wisdom he
imparted is oracular: There is no being in the world that knowledge cannot
penetrate, but what can be penetrated by knowledge is not being.
Philosophical judgment, according to Kant, aims at the new yet recognizes
nothing new, since it always merely repeats what reason has placed into
20 The Concept of Enlightenment
objects beforehand. However, this thought, protected within the departments
of science from the dreams of a spirit-seer,* has to pay the price:
world domination over nature turns against the thinking subject itself;
nothing is left of it except that ever-unchanging “I think,” which must
accompany all my conceptions. Both subject and object are nullified. The
abstract self, which alone confers the legal right to record and systematize,
is confronted by nothing but abstract material, which has no other property
than to be the substrate of that right. The equation of mind and world
is finally resolved, but only in the sense that both sides cancel out. The
reduction of thought to a mathematical apparatus condemns the world to
be its own measure. What appears as the triumph of subjectivity, the subjection
of all existing things to logical formalism, is bought with the obedient
subordination of reason to what is immediately at hand. To grasp
existing things as such, not merely to note their abstract spatial-temporal
relationships, by which they can then be seized, but, on the contrary, to
think of them as surface, as mediated conceptual moments which are only
fulfilled by revealing their social, historical, and human meaning—this
whole aspiration of knowledge is abandoned. Knowledge does not consist
in mere perception, classification, and calculation but precisely in the
determining negation of whatever is directly at hand. Instead of such
negation, mathematical formalism, whose medium, number, is the most
abstract form of the immediate, arrests thought at mere immediacy. The
actual is validated, knowledge confines itself to repeating it, thought
makes itself mere tautology. The more completely the machinery of
thought subjugates existence, the more blindly it is satisfied with reproducing
it. Enlightenment thereby regresses to the mythology it has never
been able to escape. For mythology had reflected in its forms the essence
of the existing order—cyclical motion, fate, domination of the world as
truth—and had renounced hope. In the terseness of the mythical image,
as in the clarity of the scientific formula, the eternity of the actual is confirmed
and mere existence is pronounced as the meaning it obstructs. The
world as a gigantic analytical judgment, the only surviving dream of science,
is of the same kind as the cosmic myth which linked the alternation
of spring and autumn to the abduction of Persephone. The uniqueness of
the mythical event, which was intended to legitimize the factual one, is a
deception. Originally, the rape of the goddess was directly equated with
the dying of nature. It was repeated each autumn, and even the repetition

The Concept of Enlightenment 21
was not a succession of separate events, but the same one each time. With
the consolidation of temporal consciousness the process was fixed as a
unique event in the past, and ritual assuagement of the terror of death in
each new cycle of seasons was sought in the recourse to the distant past.
But such separation is powerless. The postulation of the single past event
endows the cycle with a quality of inevitability, and the terror radiating
from the ancient event spreads over the whole process as its mere repetition.
The subsumption of the actual, whether under mythical prehistory
or under mathematical formalism, the symbolic relating of the present to
the mythical event in the rite or to the abstract category in science, makes
the new appear as something predetermined which therefore is really the
old. It is not existence that is without hope, but knowledge which appropriates
and perpetuates existence as a schema in the pictorial or mathematical
symbol.
In the enlightened world, mythology has permeated the sphere of
the profane. Existence, thoroughly cleansed of demons and their conceptual
descendants, takes on, in its gleaming naturalness, the numinous
character which former ages attributed to demons. Justified in the guise of
brutal facts as something eternally immune to intervention, the social
injustice from which those facts arise is as sacrosanct today as the medicine
man once was under the protection of his gods. Not only is domination
paid for with the estrangement of human beings from the dominated
objects, but the relationships of human beings, including the relationship
of individuals to themselves, have themselves been bewitched by the
objectification of mind. Individuals shrink to the nodal points of conventional
reactions and the modes of operation objectively expected of them.
Animism had endowed things with souls; industrialism makes souls into
things.* On its own account, even in advance of total planning, the economic
apparatus endows commodities with the values which decide the
behavior of people. Since, with the ending of free exchange, commodities
have forfeited all economic qualities except their fetish character, this character
has spread like a cataract across the life of society in all its aspects.
The countless agencies of mass production and its culture* impress standardized
behavior on the individual as the only natural, decent, and rational
one. Individuals define themselves now only as things, statistical elements,
successes or failures. Their criterion is self-preservation, successful
or unsuccessful adaptation to the objectivity of their function and the
22 The Concept of Enlightenment
schemata assigned to it. Everything which is different, from the idea to
criminality, is exposed to the force of the collective, which keeps watch
from the classroom to the trade union. Yet even the threatening collective
is merely a part of the deceptive surface, beneath which are concealed the
powers which manipulate the collective as an agent of violence. Its brutality,
which keeps the individual up to the mark, no more represents the true
quality of people than value* represents that of commodities. The demonically
distorted form which things and human beings have taken on in the
clear light of unprejudiced knowledge points back to domination, to the
principle which already imparted the qualities of mana to spirits and
deities and trapped the human gaze in the fakery of sorcerers and medicine
men. The fatalism by which incomprehensible death was sanctioned
in primeval times has now passed over into utterly comprehensible life.
The noonday panic fear in which nature suddenly appeared to humans as
an all-encompassing power has found its counterpart in the panic which
is ready to break out at any moment today: human beings expect the
world, which is without issue, to be set ablaze by a universal power which
they themselves are and over which they are powerless.
Enlightenment’s mythic terror springs from a horror of myth. It
detects myth not only in semantically unclarified concepts and words, as
linguistic criticism imagines, but in any human utterance which has no
place in the functional context of self-preservation. Spinoza’s proposition:
“the endeavor of preserving oneself is the first and only basis of virtue,”32
contains the true maxim of all Western civilization, in which the religious
and philosophical differences of the bourgeoisie are laid to rest. The self
which, after the methodical extirpation of all natural traces as mythological,
was no longer supposed to be either a body or blood or a soul or even
a natural ego but was sublimated into a transcendental or logical subject,
formed the reference point of reason, the legislating authority of action. In
the judgment of enlightenment as of Protestantism, those who entrust
themselves directly to life, without any rational reference to self-preservation,
revert to the realm of prehistory. Impulse as such, according to this
view, is as mythical as superstition, and worship of any God not postulated
by the self, as aberrant as drunkenness. For both—worship and selfimmersion
in immediate natural existence—progress holds the same fate
in store. It has anathematized the self-forgetfulness both of thought and of
The Concept of Enlightenment 23
pleasure. In the bourgeois economy the social work of each individual is
mediated by the principle of the self; for some this labor is supposed to
yield increased capital, for others the strength for extra work. But the more
heavily the process of self-preservation is based on the bourgeois division
of labor, the more it enforces the self-alienation of individuals, who must
mold themselves to the technical apparatus body and soul. Enlightened
thinking has an answer for this, too: finally, the transcendental subject of
knowledge, as the last reminder of subjectivity, is itself seemingly abolished
and replaced by the operations of the automatic mechanisms of
order, which therefore run all the more smoothly. Subjectivity has
volatilized itself into the logic of supposedly optional rules, to gain more
absolute control. Positivism, which finally did not shrink from laying
hands on the idlest fancy of all, thought itself, eliminated the last intervening
agency between individual action and the social norm. The technical
process, to which the subject has been reified after the eradication of
that process from consciousness, is as free from the ambiguous meanings
of mythical thought as from meaning altogether, since reason itself has
become merely an aid to the all-encompassing economic apparatus.*
Reason serves as a universal tool for the fabrication of all other tools, rigidly
purpose-directed and as calamitous as the precisely calculated operations
of material production, the results of which for human beings escape
all calculation. Reason’s old ambition to be purely an instrument of purposes
has finally been fulfilled. The exclusivity of logical laws stems from
this obdurate adherence to function and ultimately from the compulsive
character of self-preservation. The latter is constantly magnified into the
choice between survival and doom, a choice which is reflected even in the
principle that, of two contradictory propositions, only one can be true and
the other false. The formalism of this principle and the entire logic established
around it stem from the opacity and entanglement of interests in a
society in which the maintenance of forms and the preservation of individuals
only fortuitously coincide. The expulsion of thought from logic
ratifies in the lecture hall the reification of human beings in factory and
office. In this way the taboo encroaches on the power imposing it, enlightenment
on mind, which it itself is. But nature as true self-preservation is
thereby unleashed, in the individual as in the collective fate of crisis and
war, by the process which promised to extirpate it. If unitary knowledge*
is the only norm which theory has left, praxis must be handed over to the
24 The Concept of Enlightenment
unfettered operations of world history. The self, entirely encompassed by
civilization, is dissolved in an element composed of the very inhumanity
which civilization has sought from the first to escape. The oldest fear, that
of losing one’s own name, is being fulfilled. For civilization, purely natural
existence, both animal and vegetative, was the absolute danger. Mimetic,
mythical, and metaphysical forms of behavior were successively regarded
as stages of world history which had been left behind, and the idea of
reverting to them held the terror that the self would be changed back into
the mere nature from which it had extricated itself with unspeakable exertions
and which for that reason filled it with unspeakable dread. Over the
millennia the living memory of prehistory, of its nomadic period and even
more of the truly prepatriarchal stages, has been expunged from human
consciousness with the most terrible punishments. The enlightened spirit
replaced fire and the wheel by the stigma it attached to all irrationality,
which led to perdition. Its hedonism was moderate, extremes being no less
repugnant to enlightenment than to Aristotle. The bourgeois ideal of naturalness
is based not on amorphous nature but on the virtue of the middle
way. For this ideal, promiscuity and asceticism, superfluity and hunger,
although opposites, are directly identical as powers of disintegration. By
subordinating life in its entirety to the requirements of its preservation, the
controlling minority guarantees, with its own security, the continuation of
the whole. From Homer to modernity the ruling spirit has sought to steer
between the Scylla of relapse into simple reproduction and the Charybdis
of unfettered fulfillment; from the first it has mistrusted any guiding star
other than the lesser evil. The German neopagans and administrators of
war fever want to reinstate pleasure.* But since, under the work-pressure
of the millennium now ending, pleasure has learned to hate itself, in its
totalitarian emancipation it remains mean and mutilated through selfcontempt.*
It is still in the grip of the self-preservation inculcated in it by
the reason which has now been deposed. At the turning points of Western
civilization, whenever new peoples and classes have more heavily repressed
myth, from the beginnings of the Olympian religion to the Renaissance,
the Reformation, and bourgeois atheism, the fear of unsubdued, threatening
nature—a fear resulting from nature’s very materialization and objectification—has
been belittled as animist superstition, and the control of
internal and external nature has been made the absolute purpose of life.
Now that self-preservation has been finally automated, reason is dismissed
The Concept of Enlightenment 25
by those who, as controllers of production, have taken over its inheritance
and fear it in the disinherited. The essence of enlightenment is the choice
between alternatives, and the inescapability of this choice is that of power.
Human beings have always had to choose between their subjugation to
nature and its subjugation to the self. With the spread of the bourgeois
commodity economy the dark horizon of myth is illuminated by the sun
of calculating reason, beneath whose icy rays the seeds of the new barbarism
are germinating. Under the compulsion of power, human labor has
always led away from myth and, under power, has always fallen back
under its spell.
The intertwinement of myth, power, and labor is preserved in one
of the tales of Homer. Book XII of the Odyssey tells how Odysseus sailed
past the Sirens. Their allurement is that of losing oneself in the past. But
the hero exposed to it has come of age in suffering. In the multitude of
mortal dangers which he has had to endure, the unity of his own life, the
identity of the person, have been hardened. The realms of time have been
separated for him like water, earth, and air. The tide of what has been has
receded from the rock of the present, and the future lies veiled in cloud on
the horizon. What Odysseus has left behind him has passed into the world
of shades: so close is the self to the primeval myth from whose embrace it
has wrested itself that its own lived past becomes a mythical prehistory. It
seeks to combat this by a fixed order of time. The tripartite division is
intended to liberate the present moment from the power of the past by
banishing the latter beyond the absolute boundary of the irrecoverable and
placing it, as usable knowledge, in the service of the present. The urge to
rescue the past as something living, instead of using it as the material of
progress, has been satisfied only in art, in which even history, as a representation
of past life, is included. As long as art does not insist on being
treated as knowledge, and thus exclude itself from praxis, it is tolerated by
social praxis in the same way as pleasure. But the Sirens’ song has not yet
been deprived of power as art. They have knowledge “of all that has ever
happened on this fruitful earth”33 and especially of what has befallen
Odysseus himself: “For we know all that the Argives and the Trojans suffered
on the broad plain of Troy by the will of the gods.”34 By directly
invoking the recent past, and with the irresistible promise of pleasure
which their song contains, the Sirens threaten the patriarchal order, which
gives each person back their life only in exchange for their full measure of
26 The Concept of Enlightenment
time. When only unfailing presence of mind wrests survival from nature,
anyone who follows the Sirens’ phantasmagoria is lost. If the Sirens know
everything that has happened, they demand the future as its price, and
their promise of a happy homecoming is the deception by which the past
entraps a humanity filled with longing. Odysseus has been warned by
Circe, the divinity of regression to animal form, whom he has withstood
and who therefore gives him the strength to withstand other powers of dissolution.
But the lure of the Sirens remains overpowering. No one who
hears their song can escape. Humanity had to inflict terrible injuries on
itself before the self—the identical, purpose-directed, masculine character
of human beings—was created, and something of this process is repeated
in every childhood. The effort to hold itself together attends the ego at all
its stages, and the temptation to be rid of the ego has always gone handin-hand
with the blind determination to preserve it. Narcotic intoxication,
in which the euphoric suspension of the self is expiated by deathlike sleep,
is one of the oldest social transactions mediating between self-preservation
and self-annihilation, an attempt by the self to survive itself. The fear of
losing the self, and suspending with it the boundary between oneself and
other life, the aversion to death and destruction, is twinned with a promise
of joy which has threatened civilization at every moment. The way of civilization
has been that of obedience and work, over which fulfillment
shines everlastingly as mere illusion, as beauty deprived of power.
Odysseus’s idea, equally inimical to his death and to his happiness, shows
awareness of this. He knows only two possibilities of escape. One he prescribes
to his comrades. He plugs their ears with wax and orders them to
row with all their might. Anyone who wishes to survive must not listen to
the temptation of the irrecoverable, and is unable to listen only if he is
unable to hear. Society has always made sure that this was the case. Workers
must look ahead with alert concentration and ignore anything which
lies to one side. The urge toward distraction must be grimly sublimated in
redoubled exertions. Thus the workers are made practical. The other possibility
Odysseus chooses for himself, the landowner, who has others to
work for him. He listens, but does so while bound helplessly to the mast,
and the stronger the allurement grows the more tightly he has himself
bound, just as later the bourgeois denied themselves happiness the closer
it drew to them with the increase in their own power. What he hears has
no consequences for him; he can signal to his men to untie him only by
The Concept of Enlightenment 27
movements of his head, but it is too late. His comrades, who themselves
cannot hear, know only of the danger of the song, not of its beauty, and
leave him tied to the mast to save both him and themselves. They reproduce
the life of the oppressor as a part of their own, while he cannot step
outside his social role. The bonds by which he has irrevocably fettered
himself to praxis at the same time keep the Sirens at a distance from praxis:
their lure is neutralized as a mere object of contemplation, as art. The
fettered man listens to a concert, as immobilized as audiences later, and his
enthusiastic call for liberation goes unheard as applause. In this way the
enjoyment of art and manual work diverge as the primeval world is left
behind. The epic already contains the correct theory. Between the cultural
heritage and enforced work there is a precise correlation, and both are
founded on the inescapable compulsion toward the social control of
nature.
Measures like those taken on Odysseus’s ship in face of the Sirens are
a prescient allegory of the dialectic of enlightenment. Just as the capacity
to be represented is the measure of power, the mightiest person being the
one who can be represented in the most functions, so it is also the vehicle
of both progress and regression. Under the given conditions, exclusion
from work means mutilation, not only for the unemployed but also for
people at the opposite social pole. Those at the top experience the existence
with which they no longer need to concern themselves as a mere
substrate, and are wholly ossified as the self which issues commands. Primitive
man experienced the natural thing only as the fugitive object of
desire, “but the lord, who has interposed the bondsman between it and
himself, takes to himself only the dependent aspect of the thing and has
the pure enjoyment of it. The aspect of its independence he leaves to the
bondsman, who works on it.”35 Odysseus is represented in the sphere of
work. Just as he cannot give way to the lure of self-abandonment, as owner
he also forfeits participation in work and finally even control over it, while
his companions, despite their closeness to things, cannot enjoy their work
because it is performed under compulsion, in despair, with their senses
forcibly stopped. The servant is subjugated in body and soul, the master
regresses. No system of domination has so far been able to escape this
price, and the circularity of history in its progress is explained in part by
this debilitation, which is the concomitant of power. Humanity, whose
skills and knowledge become differentiated with the division of labor, is
28 The Concept of Enlightenment
thereby forced back to more primitive anthropological stages, since, with
the technical facilitation of existence, the continuance of domination demands
the fixation of instincts by greater repression. Fantasy withers. The
calamity is not that individuals have fallen behind society or its material
production. Where the development of the machine has become that of
the machinery of control, so that technical and social tendencies, always
intertwined, converge in the total encompassing of human beings, those
who have lagged behind represent not only untruth. Adaptation to the
power of progress furthers the progress of power, constantly renewing the
degenerations which prove successful progress, not failed progress, to be
its own antithesis. The curse of irresistible progress is irresistible regression.
This regression is not confined to the experience of the sensuous
world, an experience tied to physical proximity, but also affects the autocratic
intellect, which detaches itself from sensuous experience in order to
subjugate it. The standardization of the intellectual function through
which the mastery of the senses is accomplished, the acquiescence of
thought to the production of unanimity, implies an impoverishment of
thought no less than of experience; the separation of the two realms leaves
both damaged. A consequence of the restriction of thought to organization
and administration, rehearsed by the those in charge from artful
Odysseus to artless chairmen of the board, is the stupidity which afflicts
the great as soon as they have to perform tasks other than the manipulation
of the small. Mind becomes in reality the instrument of power and
self-mastery for which bourgeois philosophy has always mistaken it. The
deafness which has continued to afflict the submissive proletarians since
the myth is matched by the immobility of those in command. The overripeness
of society lives on the immaturity of the ruled. The more complex
and sensitive the social, economic, and scientific mechanism, to the
operation of which the system of production has long since attuned the
body, the more impoverished are the experiences of which the body is
capable. The elimination of qualities, their conversion into functions, is
transferred by rationalized modes of work to the human capacity for experience,
which tends to revert to that of amphibians. The regression of the
masses today lies in their inability to hear with their own ears what has not
already been heard, to touch with their hands what has not previously
been grasped; it is the new form of blindness which supersedes that of van-
The Concept of Enlightenment 29
quished myth. Through the mediation of the total society, which encompasses
all relationships and impulses, human beings are being turned back
into precisely what the developmental law of society, the principle of the
self, had opposed: mere examples of the species, identical to one another
through isolation within the compulsively controlled collectivity. The
rowers, unable to speak to one another, are all harnessed to the same
rhythms, like modern workers in factories, cinemas, and the collective. It
is the concrete conditions of work in society* which enforce conformism—not
the conscious influences which additionally render the oppressed
stupid and deflect them from the truth. The powerlessness of the
workers is not merely a ruse of the rulers but the logical consequence of
industrial society, into which the efforts to escape it have finally transformed
the ancient concept of fate.
This logical necessity, however, is not conclusive. It remains tied to
domination, as both its reflection and its tool. Its truth, therefore, is no less
questionable than its evidence is inescapable. Thought, however, has
always been equal to the task of concretely demonstrating its own equivocal
nature. It is the servant which the master cannot control at will.
Domination, in becoming reified as law and organization, first when
humans formed settlements and later in the commodity economy, has had
to limit itself. The instrument is becoming autonomous: independently of
the will of the rulers,* the mediating agency of mind moderates the immediacy
of economic injustice.* The instruments of power—language,
weapons, and finally machines—which are intended to hold everyone in
their grasp, must in their turn be grasped by everyone. In this way, the
moment of rationality in domination also asserts itself as something different
from it. The thing-like quality of the means, which makes the
means universally available, its “objective validity” for everyone, itself
implies a criticism of the domination from which thought has arisen as its
means. On the way from mythology to logistics, thought has lost the element
of reflection on itself, and machinery mutilates people today, even if
it also feeds them. In the form of machines, however, alienated reason is
moving toward a society which reconciles thought, in its solidification as
an apparatus both material and intellectual, with a liberated living element,
and relates it to society itself as its true subject. The particularist
origin and the universal perspective of thought have always been inseparable.
Today, with the transformation of the world into industry, the per-
30 The Concept of Enlightenment
spective of the universal, the social realization of thought, is so fully open
to view that thought is repudiated by the rulers themselves as mere ideology.
It is a telltale manifestation of the bad conscience of the cliques in
whom economic necessity is finally embodied* that its revelations, from
the “intuitions” of the Führer to the “dynamic worldview,” no longer
acknowledge their own atrocities as necessary consequences of logical regularities,
in resolute contrast to earlier bourgeois apologetics. The mythological
lies about “mission” and “fate”* which they use instead do not even
express a complete untruth: it is no longer the objective laws of the market
which govern the actions of industrialists and drive humanity toward
catastrophe. Rather, the conscious decisions of the company chairmen*
execute capitalism’s old law of value, and thus its fate, as resultants no less
compulsive than the blindest price mechanisms. The rulers themselves do
not believe in objective necessity, even if they sometimes call their machinations
by that name. They posture as engineers of world history. Only
their subjects accept the existing development, which renders them a
degree more powerless with each prescribed increase in their standard of
living, as inviolably necessary. Now that the livelihood of those still* needed
to operate the machines can be provided with a minimal part of the
working time which the masters of society have at their disposal, the
superfluous remainder, the overwhelming mass of the population, are
trained as additional guards of the system, so that they can be used today
and tomorrow as material for its grand designs. They are kept alive as an
army of unemployed. Their reduction to mere objects of administration,
which preforms every department of modern life right down to language
and perception, conjures up an illusion of objective necessity before which
they believe themselves powerless. Poverty* as the antithesis between
power and impotence is growing beyond measure, together with the
capacity permanently to abolish poverty. From the commanding heights
of the economy* to the latest professional rackets,* the tangled mass of
cliques and institutions which ensures the indefinite continuation of the
status quo is impenetrable to each individual. Even for a union boss, to say
nothing of a manager, a proletarian is no more than a superfluous specimen,
should he catch his notice at all, while the union boss in turn must
live in terror of his own liquidation.
The absurdity of a state of affairs in which the power of the system
over human beings increases with every step they take away from the
The Concept of Enlightenment 31
power of nature denounces the reason of the reasonable* society as obsolete.
That reason’s necessity is illusion, no less than the freedom of the
industrialists, which reveals its ultimately compulsive nature in their
inescapable struggles and pacts. This* illusion, in which utterly enlightened
humanity is losing itself, cannot be dispelled by a thinking which, as
an instrument of power, has to choose between command and obedience.
Although unable to escape the entanglement in which it was trapped in
prehistory, that thinking* is nevertheless capable of recognizing the logic
of either/or, of consequence and antinomy, by means of which it emancipated
itself radically from nature, as that same nature, unreconciled and
self-estranged. Precisely by virtue of its irresistible logic, thought, in whose
compulsive mechanism nature is reflected and perpetuated, also reflects
itself as a nature oblivious of itself, as a mechanism of compulsion. Of
course, mental representation is only an instrument. In thought, human
beings distance themselves from nature in order to arrange it in such a way
that it can be mastered. Like the material tool which, as a thing, is held
fast as that thing in different situations and thereby separates the world, as
something chaotic, multiple, and disparate, from that which is known,
single, and identical, so the concept is the idea-tool which fits into things
at the very point from which one can take hold of them. Thought thus
becomes illusory whenever it seeks to deny its function of separating, distancing,
and objectifying. All mystical union remains a deception, the
impotently inward trace of the forfeited revolution. But while enlightenment
is right in opposing any hypostatization of utopia and in dispassionately
denouncing power as division, the split between subject and object,
which it will not allow to be bridged, becomes the index of the untruth
both of itself and of truth.* The proscribing of superstition has always signified
not only the progress of domination but its exposure. Enlightenment
is more than enlightenment, it is nature made audible in its
estrangement. In mind’s self-recognition as nature divided from itself,
nature, as in prehistory, is calling to itself, but no longer directly by its supposed
name, which, in the guise of mana, means omnipotence, but as
something blind and mutilated. In the mastery of nature, without which
mind does not exist, enslavement to nature persists. By modestly confessing
itself to be power and thus being taken back into nature, mind rids
itself of the very claim to mastery which had enslaved it to nature.
Although humanity may be unable to interrupt its flight away from neces-
32 The Concept of Enlightenment
sity and into progress and civilization without forfeiting knowledge itself,
at least it no longer mistakes the ramparts it has constructed against necessity,
the institutions and practices of domination which have always
rebounded against society from the subjugation of nature, for guarantors
of the coming freedom. Each advance of civilization has renewed not only
mastery but also the prospect of its alleviation. However, while real history
is woven from real suffering, which certainly does not diminish in proportion
to the increase in the means of abolishing it, the fulfillment of that
prospect depends on the concept. For not only does the concept, as science,
distance human beings from nature, but, as the self-reflection of
thought—which, in the form of science, remains fettered to the blind economic
tendency—it enables the distance which perpetuates injustice to be
measured. Through this remembrance of nature within the subject, a
remembrance which contains the unrecognized truth of all culture,
enlightenment is opposed in principle to power, and even in the time of
Vanini the call to hold back enlightenment was uttered less from fear of
exact science than from hatred of licentious thought, which had escaped
the spell of nature by confessing itself to be nature’s own dread of itself.
The priests have always avenged mana on any exponent of enlightenment
who propitiated mana by showing fear before the frightening entity which
bore that name, and in their hubris the augurs of enlightenment were at
one with the priests. Enlightenment in its bourgeois form had given itself
up to its positivist moment long before Turgot and d’Alembert. It was
never immune to confusing freedom with the business of self-preservation.
The suspension of the concept, whether done in the name of progress
or of culture, which had both long since formed a secret alliance against
truth, gave free rein to the lie. In a world which merely verified recorded
evidence and preserved thought, debased to the achievement of great
minds, as a kind of superannuated headline, the lie was no longer distinguishable
from a truth neutralized as cultural heritage.
But to recognize power even within thought itself as unreconciled
nature would be to relax the necessity which even socialism, in a concession
to reactionary common sense, prematurely confirmed as eternal.* In
declaring necessity the sole basis of the future and banishing mind, in the
best idealist fashion, to the far pinnacle of the superstructure, socialism
clung all too desperately to the heritage of bourgeois philosophy. The relationship
of necessity to the realm of freedom was therefore treated as
The Concept of Enlightenment 33
merely quantitative, mechanical, while nature, posited as wholly alien, as
in the earliest mythology, became totalitarian, absorbing socialism along
with freedom. By sacrificing thought, which in its reified form as mathematics,
machinery, organization, avenges itself on a humanity forgetful of
it, enlightenment forfeited its own realization. By subjecting everything
particular to its discipline, it left the uncomprehended whole free to rebound
as mastery over things against the life and consciousness of human
beings. But a true praxis capable of overturning the status quo depends on
theory’s refusal to yield to the oblivion in which society allows thought to
ossify. It is not the material preconditions of fulfillment, unfettered technology*
as such, which make fulfillment uncertain. That is the argument
of sociologists who are trying to devise yet another antidote, even a collectivist
one, in order control that antidote.36 The fault lies in a social context
which induces blindness. The mythical scientific respect of peoples
for the given reality, which they themselves constantly create, finally
becomes itself a positive fact, a fortress before which even the revolutionary
imagination feels shamed as utopianism, and degenerates to a compliant
trust in the objective tendency of history. As the instrument of this
adaptation, as a mere assemblage of means, enlightenment is as destructive
as its Romantic enemies claim. It will only fulfill itself if it forswears
its last complicity with them and dares to abolish the false absolute, the
principle of blind power. The spirit of such unyielding theory would be
able to turn back from its goal even the spirit of pitiless progress. Its herald,
Bacon, dreamed of the many things “which kings with their treasure
cannot buy, nor with their force command, [of which] their spials and
intelligencers can give no news.”* Just as he wished, those things have been
given to the bourgeois, the enlightened heirs of the kings. In multiplying
violence through the mediation of the market, the bourgeois economy has
also multiplied its things and its forces to the point where not merely kings
or even the bourgeoisie are sufficient to administrate them: all human
beings are needed. From the power of things they finally learn to forgo
power. Enlightenment consummates and abolishes itself when the closest
practical objectives reveal themselves to be the most distant goal already
attained, and the lands of which “their spials and intelligencers can give no
news”—that is, nature misunderstood by masterful science—are remembered
as those of origin. Today, when Bacon’s utopia, in which “we should
command nature in action,” has been fulfilled on a telluric scale, the
34 The Concept of Enlightenment
essence of the compulsion which he ascribed to unmastered nature is
becoming apparent. It was power itself. Knowledge, in which, for Bacon,
“the sovereignty of man” unquestionably lay hidden, can now devote itself
to dissolving that power. But in face of this possibility enlightenment, in
the service of the present, is turning itself into an outright deception of the
masses.
Excursus I: Odysseus or Myth and Enlightenment
Just as the story of the Sirens illustrates the intertwinement of myth
and rational labor, the Odyssey as a whole bears witness to the dialectic of
enlightenment. In its oldest stratum, especially, the epic shows clear links
to myth: the adventures are drawn from popular tradition. But as the
Homeric spirit takes over and "organizes" the myths, it comes into contradiction
with them. The familiar equation of epic and myth, which in
any case has been undermined by recent classical philology, proves wholly
misleading when subjected to philosophical critique. The two concepts
diverge. They mark two phases of an historical process, which are still visible
at the joints where ediwrs have stitched the epic together. The
Homeric discourse creates a universality of language, if it does not already
presuppose it; it disintegrates rhe hierarchical order of society through the
exoteric form of its depiction, even and especially when it glorifies that
order. The celebration of the wrath of Achilles and the wanderings of
Odysseus is already a nostalgic stylization of what can no longer be celebrated;
and the hero of the adventures turns out to be the prototype of
the bourgeois individual, whose concept originates in the unwavering
self-assertion of which the protagonist driven to wander the earth is the
primeval model. Finally, the epic, which in terms of the philosophy of
history is the counterpart of the novel, exhibits features reminiscent of
that genre, and the venerable cosmos of the Homeric world, a world
charged with meaning, reveals itself as an achievement of classifying rea-
36 Excursus I
son, which destroys myth by virtue of the same rational order which is
used to reflect it.
Understanding of the element of bourgeois enlightenment in
Homer has been advanced by the German late-Romantic interpretation of
antiquity based on the early writings of NietzSche. Like few others since
Hegel, NietzSche recognized the dialectic of enlightenment. He formulated
the ambivalent relationship of enlightenment to power. Enlightenment
must be "drummed into the people, so that the priests all turn into priests
with a bad conscience-and likewise with the state. That is the task of
enlightenment: to show up the pompous behavior of princes and statesmen
as a deliberate lie."1 However, enlightenment had always been a
means employed by the "great artists of government (Confucius in China,
the Roman Empire, Napoleon, the Papacy, when it was concerned with
power and not just with the world) ... The self-deception of the masses
in this respect-for instance, in all democracies-is highly advantageous:
making people small and governable is hailed as 'progress'!''2 As this
twofold character of enlightenment emerged more clearly as a basic motif
of history, its concept, that of advancing thought, was traced back to the
beginning of recorded history. However, whereas Nietzsche's attitude to
enlightenment, and thus to Homer, remained ambiyalent; whereas he perceived
in enlightenment both the universal movement of sovereign mind,
whose supreme exponent he believed himself to be, and a "nihilistic," lifedenying
power, only the second moment was taken over by his pre-fascist
followers and perverted into ideology. This ideology became a blind eulogy
of blind life, which imposes a praxis by which everything !'
iving is suppressed.
This is seen in the cultural fascists' attitude to Homer. In the
Homeric depiction of feudal conditions they detect a democratic element,
brand the work a product of seafarers and traders, and condemn the
Ionian epic for its of overly rational discourse and its communication of
the commonplace. Nevertheless, the evil eye of these sympathizers with all
seemingly immediate power, who reject mediation and "liberalism" of any
degree, discerns an element of truth. Connections with reason, liberality,
and middle-class qualities do indeed extend incomparably further back
than is assumed by historians who date the concept of the burgher from
dH: end of medieval feudalism. In identifying the burgher where earlier
hourge is humanism had imagined some pristine dawn of culture, which
was taken ro legitimize that humanism, the nco-Romantic reacuon
Odysseus or Myth and Enlightenment 37
equates world hisrory with enlightenment. The fashionable ideology,
whose most urgent concern is to liquidate enlightenment, thus pays it
involumary homage. It is forced to acknowledge enlightened thinking
even in the remotest past. For the bad conscience of present-day devotees
of the archaic it is especially the earliest traces of enlightenmem which
threaten to unleash the process they seek to hold back, but which they
themselves obliviously promote.
But a recognition of Homer's antimythological, enlightened character,
his opposition ro chthonic mythology, remains untrue because limited.
Rudolf Borchardt,* for example, the most prominent and therefore the
most impotent of the esoteric apologists of German heavy industry, prematurely
breaks off his analysis in the service of repressive ideology. He
fails to perceive that the primal powers he exrols themselves represent a
stage of enlightenment. By indiscriminately denouncing the epic as a form
of novel he overlooks what epic and myth actually have in common:
power and exploitation. The ignoble qualities he condemns in the epic,
mediation and circulation, are only a further development of the dubious
nobility he idolizes in myth: naked force. The alleged authenticity of the
archaic, with its principle of blood and sacrifice, is already tainted by the
devious bad conscience of power characteristic of the "national regeneration"
today, which uses primeval times for self-advertising. The original
myth itself contains the moment of mendacity which triumphs in the
fraudulent myth of fascism and which the latter imputes to enlightenment.
But no work bears more eloquent witness to the intertwinement of
enlightenment and myth than that of Homer, the basic text of European
civilization. In Homer, epic and myth, form and subject matter do not
simply diverge; they conduct an argument. The aesthetic dualism of the
work gives evidence of the historical-philosophical tendency. 'The
Apollonian Homer is merely a continuation of the general human artistic
process to which we owe individuation."3
Myths are precipitated in the different strata of Homer's subject matter;
but at the same rime the reporting of them, the unity imposed on the
diffuse legends, traces the path of the subject's flight from the mythical
powers. This is already true, in a profound sense, of the Iliad. The anger
of the mythical son of a goddess against the rational* warrior king and
organizer; the hero's undisciplined inactivity; finally, the enlistment of the
victorious, doomed hero in a cause which is national, Hellenic, and no
38 Excursus I
longer tribal, an allegiance mediated by mythic loyalty to his dead comrade-all
these reflect the intertwinement of history and prehistory. The
same development is still more vividly present in the
_
Odyssey, since it is
closer in form to the picaresque novel. The contrast between the single surviving
ego and the multiplicity of fare reflects the antithesis between
enlightenment and myth. The hero's peregrinations from Troy to Ithaca
trace the path of the self through myths, a self infinitely weak in comparison
to the force of nature and still in the process of formation as self-consciousness.
The primeval world is secularized as the space he measures out;
the old demons populate only the distant margins and islands of the civilized
Mediterranean, retreating into the forms of rock and cave from
which they had originally sprung in the face of primal dread. The adventures
bestow names on each of these places, and the names give rise to a
rational overview of space. The shipwrecked, tremulous navigator anticipates
the work of the compass. His powerlessness, leaving no part of the
sea unknown, aims to undermine the ruling powers. But, in the eyes of
the man who has thus come of age, the plain untruth of the myths, the
fact that sea and earth are not actually populated by demons bur are a
magic delusion propagated by traditional popular religion, becomes something
merely "aberrant" in contrast to his unambiguous purpose of selfpreservation,
of returning to his homeland and fixed property. All the adventures
Odysseus survives are dangerous temptations deflecting the self
from the path of irs logic. Again and again he gives way to them, experimenting
like a novice incapable of learning-sometimes, indeed, out f
foolish curiosity, like a mime insatiably trying our roles. "B t where danger
threatens I That which saves from it also grows":4 the knowledge which
makes up his identity and enables him to survive has its substance in the
experience of diversity, distraction, disintegration; the knowing survivor is
also the man who exposes himself most daringly to the threat of death,
thus gaining the hardness and the strength to live. That is the secret underlying
the conflict between epic and myth: the self does nor exist simply in
rigid antithesis to adventure but takes on irs solidity only through this
antithesis, and its unity through the very multiplicity which myth in its
oneness denies. Odysseus, like the heroes of all true novels afl!er him,
throws himself away, so to speak, in order to win himself; he achieves his
estrangement from nature by abandoning himself to nature, trying his
strength against it in all his adventures; ironically, it is implacable nature
Odysseus or Myth and Enlightenment 39
that he now commands, which triumphs on his return home as the implacable
judge, avenging the heritage of the very powers he has escaped.
At the Homeric stage, the identity of the self is so much a function of the
nonidentical, of dissociated, unaniculated myths, that it must derive itself
from them. The element which shapes and organizes individuality internally,
time, is still so weak that the unity of the adventures remains an outward
one, their sequence being formed by the spatial changes of scene, the
succession of sites of local divinities on which the hero is flung by the
storm. Whenever, at later historical stages, the self has again experienced
such weakness, or narration has presupposed it in the reader, the manner
of depicting life has slipped back into the form of successive adventures.
Laboriously and revocably, in the image of the journey, historical time has
detached itself frorp space, the irrevocable schema of all mythical time.
The faculty by which rhe self survives adventures, throwing itself
away in order to preserve itself, is cunning. The seafarer Odysseus outwits
the natural deities as the civilized traveler was later to swindle savages,
offering them colored beads for ivory. It is true that Odysseus is only occasionally
seen bartering, when gifts of hospitality are given and received. In
Homer the gift which accompanies hospitality falls midway between
exchange and sacrifice. Like a sacrificial act it is intended to compensate
for wrongfully spilled blood, whether of the stranger or of settlers defeated
by pirates, and represents an oath of truce. At the same time, however,
the gift to the host anticipates the principle of equivalence: the host
receives really or symbolically the equivalent alue of the service he has
performed, while the guest takes away provisions which, in principle, are
intended to enable him to reach home. Even though the host receives no
direct compensation for this, he can expect the same treatment to be given
to him or his kinsmen one day: as a sacrifice to elemental deities the hospitality
gift is at the same rime a rudimentary insurance against them. The
extensive but perilous nautical activities of the early Greeks were the pragmatic
reason for the custom. Even Poseidon, Odysseus's elemental foe,
thinks in terms of equivalence, constantly complaining that the gifts
received by Odysseus at the stations of his journey are worth more than his
full share of the spoils of Troy would have been had he been allowed to
carry it home without hindrance from Poseidon. And in Homer this kind
of rationalization can be traced back to the sacrificial acts themselves.
Hecatombs of a certain size are intended to secure the goodwill of partie-

40 Excursus I
ular deities. If exchange represents the secularization of sacrifice, the sacrifice
itself, like the magic schema of rational exchange, appears as a human
contrivance intended to control the gods, who are overthrown precisely by
the system created to honor them.6
The moment of fraud in sacrifice is the prototype of Odyssean cunning,
just as many of Odysseus's ruses are wrapped up, as it were, in an
offering to natural deities.7 The deities are duped not only by the hero bur
also by the solar gods. Odysseus's Olympian friends take advantage of
Poseidon's sojourn among the Ethiopians, the backwoodsmen who still
worship him and offer him bloody sacrifices, in order to escort Odysseus
in safety. Even the sacrifice which Poseidon is glad to accept involves
deception: the amorphous sea-god's confinement to a certain locality, the
sacred precinct, also restricts his power, and in exchange for sating himself
on Ethiopian oxen he is denied the opportunity to cool his temper on
Odysseus. All sacrificial acts, deliberately planned by humans, deceive the
god for whom they are performed: by imposing on him the primacy of
human purposes they dissolve away his power, and the fraud against him
passes over searnlessly into that perpetrated by unbelieving priests against
believing congregations. Cunning originates in the cult. Odysseus himself
acts as both victim and priest. By calculating the risk he incurs as victim,
he is able to negate the power to which the risk exposes him. By such bargaining
he retrieves the life he has staked. However, deception, cunning,
and rationality do not form a simple antithesis to the archaism of sacrifice.
Only the moment of fraud in sacrifice, perhaps the innqmost reason for
the illusory character of myth, is raised to self-consciousness through
Odysseus. The awareness that the symbolic communication with the deity
through sacrifice was not real must have been age-old. The repres ntative
character of sacrifice, glorified by fashionable irrationalists, cannot be sei?­
aratcd from the deification of the sacrificial victim, from the fraudulent
priestly rationalization of murder through the apotheosis of the chosen
victim. Something of this fraud, which elevates the perishable person as
bearer of the divine substance, has always been detectable in the ego,
which owes its existence to the sacrifice of the present moment to the
fururc. Its substance is as illusory as the immortality of the slaughtered victim.
Nor without reason was Odysseus regarded by many as a deity.*
l;o as long as individuals arc sacrificed, for as long as the sacrifice
contains the antithesis between collective and individua), deception is
Odysseus or Myth and Enlightenment 41
objectively implicit in it. If the belief in the representative character of sacrifice
springs from recollection of the nonoriginal quality of the self. from
irs emergence through the history of domination, at the same time, in relation
to the fully developed self, this belief becomes untruth: the self is precisely
the human being to whom the magic power of representation is no
longer attributed. The formation of the self severs the fluctuating connection
with nature which the sacrifice of the self is supposed to establish.
Each sacrifice is a restoration of the past, and is given the lie by the historical
reality in which it is performed. The venerable belief in sacrifice is
probably itself a behavior pattern drilled into the subjugated, by which
they reenact against themselves the wrong done to them in order to be able
to bear it. Sacrifice as representative restoration does nor reinstate immediate
communication, which had been merely interrupted, as present-day
mythologies claim; rather, the institution of sacrifice is itself the mark of
an historical catastrophe, an act of violence done equally to human beings
and to nature. Cunning is nothing other than the subjective continuation
of the objective unuuth of sacrifice, which it supersedes. That untruth
may not have been always only untruth. At one stage8 of prehistory sacrific
may have possessed a kind of bloody rationality, which even then,
however, could hardly have been separated from the thirst for privilege.
The theory of sacrifice prevalent today relates it to the idea of a collective
body, the tribe, into which the spilled blood of the tribe's sacrificed member
is supposed to flow back. While totemism was an ideology even in its
own time, it nevertheless marks a real state in which the dominant reason
required sacrificial victims. It is a state of archaic shortage1 in which
human sacrifice can hardly be distinguished from cannibalism. At some
times the numerically increased collective can keep itself alive only by consuming
human flesh; perhaps, in some ethnic and social groups, pleasure
was linked in some way to cannibalism, a link to which only the aversion
to human flesh now bears witness. Customs from later times, such as the
ver sacrum, whereby a whole age-group of young men was forced into exile
with accompanying rites at times of hunger, bear clear traces of such barbaric,
idealized rationality. Long before the emergence of mythical popular
religions, that rationality must have revealed itself as illusory; as systematic
hunting provided the tribe with enough animals to make devouring
its own members superfluous, it must have been the medicine men
who deluded the shrewd hunters and trappers into believing that people
42 Excursus I
still needed to be consumed.9 The magic, collective interpretation of sacrifice,
which entirely denies the rationality of sacrifice, is irs rationalization;
bur the straightforward assumption of enlightened thinking that
what today is ideology may once have been truth is too uncritical:10 the
newest ideologies are a mere reprise of the oldest, which long antedatel
those hitherto known, in the same way as the development of the class
society refutes the previously sanctioned ideologies. The frequently cited
irrationality of sacrifice is no more than an expression of the fact that the
praxis of sacrifice outlasted its rational necessity, which was replaced y
particular interests. This split between the rational and the irrational
aspects of sacrifice gave cunning a point at which to take hold.
Demythologization always takes the form of the irresistible revelation of
the futility and the superfluity of sacrifices.
If the principle of sacrifice was proved transient by its irrationality,
at rhe same time it survives through its rationality. This rationality has
transformed itself, not disappeared. The self wrests itself from dissolution
in blind nature, whose claims are constantly reasserted by sacrifice. But it
still remains trapped in the context of the natural, one living thing seeking
to overcome another. Bargaining one's way out of sacrifice by means
of self-preserving rationality is a form of exchange no less than was sacrifice
itself. The identical, enduring self which springs from the conquest of
sacrifice is itself the product of a hard, petrified sacrificial ritual in which
rhe human being, by opposing its consciousness to its natural context, celebrates
itself. That much is true of the famous story in Nordic mythology
/
according to which Odin was hung from a rree as a sacrifice to himself,
and of Klages's thesis that every sacrifice is a sacrifice of the god to the god,
as is still apparent in Christology, the monotheistic disguise of myrh.11 The
difference is that the stratum of mythology in which the self manifests
itself as a sacrifice to itself expresses not so much the original conception
of popular religions as the absorption of myth into civilization. In class
society, the self's hostility to sacrifice included a sacrifice of the self, since
it was paid for by a denial of nature in the human being for the sake of
mastery over extrahuman nature and over other human beings. This very
denial, the core of all civilizing rationality, is the germ cell of proliferating
mythical irrationality: with the denial of nature in human beings, not only
lht· tdos of rhe external mastery of nature but also the tews of one's own
lili.· hcmmes wnfuscd and opaque. Ar the moment when human beings
.
Odysseus or Myth and Enlightenment 43
cut themselves off from the consciousness of themselves as nature, all the
purposes for which they keep themselves alive-social progress, the
heightening of material and intellectual forces, indeed, consciousness
itself-become void, and the enthronement of the means as the end,
wnich in late capitalism is taking on the character of overt madness, is
already detectable in the earliest history of subjectivity. The human being's
mastery of itself, on which the self is founded, practically always involves
the annihilation of the subject in whose service that mastery is maintained,
because the substance which is mastered, suppressed, and disintegrated by
self-preservation is nothing other than the living entity, of which the
achievements of self-preservation can only be defined as functions-in
other words, self-preservation destroys the very thing which is to be preserved.
The antireason of totalitarian capitalism, whose technique of satisfying
needs, in their objectified form determined by domination, makes
the satisfaction of needs impossible and tends toward the extermination of
humanity-this antireason appears prototypically in the hero who escapes
the sacrifice by sacrificing himself. The history of civilization is the history
of the introversion of sacrifice-in other words, the history of renunciation.
All who renounce give away more of their life than is given back to
them, more than the life they preserve. This process unfolds within the
framework of wrong society. In that society everyone is one too many, and
is cheated. But society's predicament* is that the person who escaped the
universal, unequal, and unjust exchange, who did not renounce but
immediately seized the undiminished whole, would thereby lose everything,
even the meager residue of oneself granted by self-preservation. All
the superfluous sacrifices are needed: against sacrifice. Even Odysseus is a
sacrificial victim, the self which incessantly suppresses its impulses, 12 and
thus he lets slip his own life, that he saves only to recall it as a path of error.
Nevertheless, he is sacrificed, also, for the abolition of sacrifice. His lordly
renunciation, as a struggle with myth, is representative of a society which
no Longer needs renunciation and domination-which masters itself not
in order to do violence to itself and others but for the sake of reconciliation.

The transformation of the sacrificial victim into subjectivity is done
under the aegis of the same cunning which always had its share in sacrifice.
In the untruth of guile the deception inherent in sacrifice becomes an
element of character; it becomes the mutilation of the cheat [ Ver-
•14 Excursus I
scMagener], whose shifty look still cowers from the blows [Schlage] selfpn:servation
has brought down on him. This look expresses the relation of
mind to physical strength. The bearer of mind, the one who issues commands-as
Odysseus almost always appears-is in all cases physically
weaker than the primeval powers with which he has to wrestle for his life,
despite all the reports of his heroic deeds. The occasions when naked bodily
strength is celebrated, the fistfight with the beggar lrus instigated by
1 he Suitors and the drawing of the great bow, are sporting in nature. Selfpreservation
and physical strength have diverged: Odysseus's athletic
accomplishments are those of the gentleman who, free of practical cares,
can train himself in lordly self-mastery. Precisely the strength which is
detached from self-preservation benefits self-preservation: in the struggle
wi1h the feeble, gluttonous, undisciplined vagabond or with those who
have basked in idleness, Odysseus inflicts on the stay-at-homes symbolically
what organized landowning has long since done to them in reality,
and legitimizes himself as a nobleman: But when he encounters primeval
powers which are neither domesticated nor weakened by indolence, he
1:1ces a harder test. He can never engage the exotically persisting mythical
powers in physical combat. He has to accept as a given reality the sacrifil'ial
ceremony in which he is repeatedly caught up: he is unable to break
i1. Instead, he makes sacrifice the formal precondition of his own rational
decision. This decision is always carried' out within the terms of the
primeval judgment on which the sacrificial situation is based. That the old
.,aniflce has meanwhile become irrational presents itself to the leverness
of 1 he weaker party as the stuRidity of ritual. The ritual remains accepted,
i 1 s kiter is strictly observed. But its now senseless judgment refutes itself.
since its terms constantly leave scope for evasion. The superiority of nature
in 1 he com peri rive struggle is repeatedly confirmed by the very mind
which has mastered nature. All bourgeois enlightenment is agreed in iu;
demand f(lr sobriety, respect for facts, a correct appraisal of relative
mengrh. Wishful thinking is banned. The reason, however, is that all
powl'r in class society is beset by the gnawing consciousness of irs powerlessnl'ss
in face of physical nature and irs social successor, the -many. Only
ddiberatc adaptation to it brings nature under the power of the physical
ly weaker. The rea on that represses mimesis is nor merely its opposite. I1
is i1sdf min,esis: of death. The subjective mind which disintegrates th(
,piritualization of nature masters spiritless nature only by imitating
I
Odysseus or Myth and Enlightenment 45
rigidity, disintegrating itself as animistic. Imitation enters the service of
power when even the human being becomes an anthropomorphism for
human beings. The pattern of Odysseus's guile is mastery of nature by
such adaptation. In the assessment of power relationships that admits
defeat in advance and makes survival virtually dependent on death, the
principle of bourgeois disillusionment, the external schema for the internalization
of sacrifice, is already latent. The nimble-witted man survives
only at the cost of his own dream, which he forfeits by disintegrating his
own magic along with that of the powers outside him. He can never have
the whole, he must always be able to wait, to be patient, to renounce; he
may not eat the lotus or the cattle of Hyperion, and when he steers
through the narrows he must include in his calculation the loss of the
companions snatched from the ship by Scylla. He wriggles through-that
is his survival, and all the renown he gains in his own and others' eyes
merely confirms that the honor of heroism is won only by the humbling
of the urge to attain entire, universal, undivided happiness.
The formula for Odysseus's cunning is that the detached, instrumental
mind, by submissively embracing nature, renders to nature what is
hers and thereby cheats her. The mythical monsters under whose power he
falls represent, as it were, petrified contracts and legal claims dating from
primeval rimes. In the developed patriarchal era the earlier popular religion
manifests itself in these scattered relics: beneath the Olympian heaven
they have become figures of abstract fate, of a necessity remote from
sensuous experience. The fact that it would be impossible to choose any
route other than that between Scylla and Charybdis may be interpreted
rationalistically as the mythical representation of the preponderant power
of sea currents over the little ships of andent times. But translated into the
objectifying language of myth, it means that the natural relationship
between strength and powerlessness has already taken on the character of
a legal relationship. Scylla and Charybdis have a claim on whatever comes
between their teeth, just as Circe has a right to metamorphose those who
are nor immune, or Polyphemus a right to the bodies of his guests. Every
mythical figure is compelled to do the same thing over and over again.
Each of them is constituted by repetition: its failure would mean their end.
They all bear features of the fate which, in the myths of punishment in the
underworld, is meted out by Olympian judgment to Tantalus, Sisyphus,
and the Danaids. They are figures of compulsion: the horrors they com-
46 Excursus I
mit are the curse which has fallen on them. I\1ythical inevitability is
defined by the equivalence between the curse, the abominable act which
expiates it, and the guilt arising &om that act, which reproduces the curse.
All law in history up to now bears the trace of this pattern. In myth each
moment of the cycle pays off the preceding moment and thereby helps to
esmblish the continuity of guilt as law. Against this Odysseus fights. The
sdf represents r:_ational universality against the inevitability of fate. But as
it finds the universal and the inevitable already inextricably entwined, its
rationality necessarily takes a restrictive form, that of an exception. It has
lO extricate itself from the legal terms encompassing and threatening it,
terms which, in a sense, are inscribed in every mythical figure. Odysseus
satisfies the legal statutes, but in such a way that by conceding their power
he deprives them of it. It is impossible to hear the Sirens and not succumb
to them: they cannot be defied. Defiance and beguilement are one and the
same, and whoever defies them is lost to 1the very myth he challenges.
Cunning, however, is defiance made rational. Odysseus does not try to
steer a different course to the one past the Sirens' island. Nor does he try
to insist on the superiority of his knowledge and listen freely to the
temptresses, believing his freedom protection enough. He cowers, the ship
takes its preordained, fateful course, and he realizes that however he may
consciously distance himself from nature, as listener [Horender] he remains
under its spell. He complies with the contract of his bondage
[Horigkeit] and, bound to the mast, struggles to throw himself into the
arms of the seductresses. But he has found a loophole in the agreemeht,
through which he eludes it while fulftlling its terms. The primeval contract
did not specifY whether the mariner sailing past should be bound or
unbound while listening to the song. The use of bonds belongs to a later
era, in which prisoners were not killed straightaway. Technically enlightened,
Odysseus acknowledges the archaic supremacy of the song by having
himself bound. By yielding to the song of pleasure he thwarts both it
and death. The bound listener is drawn to the Sirens like any other. But
he has taken the precaution not to succumb to them even while he succumbs.
Despite the power of his desire, which reflects the power of the
demigoddesses themsel es, he cannot go to them, just as his companions
at thl· pars, their ears stopped with wax, are deaf nor only to the demigoddesses
11ln to the desperate cries of their commander. The Sirens have a life
of their own, bm in this bourgeois prehistory it has already been peutral-

Odysseus or Myth and Enlightenment 47
ized as the yearning of those who pass it by. The epic does not say what
happens to the singers once the ship has passed. But in a tragedy this
would have been their last hour, as it was for the Sphinx when Oedipus
solved the riddle, fulfilling her command and thereby causing her downfall.
For the law of the mythical figures, being that of the stronger, depends
on the impossibility of fulfilling their statutes. If they are fulfilled, then the
myths are finished, down to their most distant descendants. Since the happily
hapless meeting of Odysseus with the Sirens all songs have ailed; the
whole of western music suffers from the absurdity of song in civilization,
yet the motive force of all an-music is song.
With the dissolution of the contract through its literal fulfilment a
change occurs in the historical situation of language: it begins to pass over
into designation. Mythical fate had been one with the spoken word.
Within the sphere of ideas in which mythical figures executed the unalterable
edicts of fate, the distinction berween word and object was
unknown. The word was thought to have direct power over the thing,
expression merged with intention. Cunning, however, consists in exploiting
the difference. One clings to the word in order to change the thing. In
this way consciousness arises out of intention: in his extremity Odysseus
becomes aware of dualism, as he discovers that an identical word can mean
different things. Since the name Udeis can mean either "hero" or "nobody,"
the hero is able to break the spell of the name. Unchangeable words
remain formulae for the implacable continuities of nature. In magic their
fiXity was intended to challenge that of fate, which it reflected. The opposition
berween the word and what it imitated was already implicit in
this challenge. At the Homeric stage that opposition became decisive.
Odysseus discovered in words what in fully developed bourgeois society is
called formalism: their perennial ability to designate is bought at the cost
of distancing themselves from any particular content which fulfills them,
so that they refer from a distance to all possible contents, both to nobody
and to Odysseus himself. From the formalism of mythical names and
statures, which, indifferent like nature, seek to rule over human beings
and history, emerges nominalism, the prototype of bourgeois thinking.
Self-preserving guile lives on the argument berween word and thing.
Odysseus's rwo contradictory actions in his meeting with Polyphemus, his
obedience ro his name and his repudiation of it, are really the same thing.
He declares allegiance to himself by disowning himself as Nobody; he
48 Excursus I
saves his life by making himself disappear. This adaptation to death
through language contains the schema of modern mathematics.
- . -- -c n:
Tng asameans -or exchange in which e erythingi done correctly,
the contract is fulfilled yet the other party is cheated, points back to
a form of economic activity which is found, if not in mythical prehistory,
at least in early antiquity: the ancient practice of "occasional exchange"
between self-sufficient households. "Surpluses are occasionally exchanged,
but provisions are predominantly produced by the consumers themsclves."13
The behavior of the adye l:lr_es_Q_4xsseus recalls that of the parties
to th _o 91sional exchange. Even in the p clt--;;tic guise -of ·;ne beWr
-the fe dal lord be rs fearur ot the oriental merchant14 who returns home·
with untold wealth because he has once, against tradition, stepped outside
the confines of the domestic economy and "put to sea." The adventurous
clement in his undertaking is, in economic terms, nothing other thati""th
'lr a i;;- ;J; p cthi · reas n -takes on in face of the -prevailing tradicio ai
- conomic forms. This irra;ionality of reason has been precipitated in cunning,
as the adaptation of bourgeois reason to any unreason which confronts
it as a stronger power. The lone voyager armed with cunning is
already homo oeconomicus, whom all reasonable people will one day resemble:
for this reason the Odyssey is already a Robinsonade. Both these proto­
.2'P C- sh)IDYJ:ec_keq _ __sailo_! -ma,l<e_.t v ess-:--that fthe individ al
who· reaks away from the collective-their social stren . Abandoned
. "the vagaries of 11 aves, helplessiy cut off, they are for ed by-thei is lation
into a ruthless p1,1rsuit of. htj tom_i t c int rc: t. They embody the
princ e- of the c
:
a£i _alist econo'!!y* even bef?re they make_ use o(;;;;_y
;rl er_i* __ ut the - ahraged goods tP.ey bring with them to the new venrure
idealize the truth that the entrepreneur* has always entere th_e co_mpetition
armed with more than the industry of his hands. Their powerlessn s-s
in face of nature already functions as an ideology for their social predominance.
Odysseus's defenselessness against the foaming sea sounds like a
legitima-tion of the enrichment of the voyager at the expense of indigenous
inhabitants. _Bou-rg ois o;..omics later enshrined this principle in the concept
of risk: the possibility of foundering is seen as a moral justification for
profit.+ From the stan'4Point of the developed exchange sociery a;..d its
- . - . 1 •
i_ndivj{luals, the advcntur
s of Odysseus are no more than a depictio!l of
!he risb whidlllt1c the path to success. qdysseus lives according ro the
ancien! principle which originally constituted bourgeois,socicty. ':'e had
Odysseus or Myth and Enlightenment 49
ro choose berween cheating and going under. Fraud was the stigma of reason,
which betrayed irs particular interest. The universal socialization for
which the globetrotter Odysseus and rhe solo manufacturer Robinson
Crusoe provide a preliminary sketch was attended from the first by the
absolute loneliness which at the end of the bourgeois era is becoming
overt. Radical socialization means radical alienation. Both Odysseus and
Crusoe deal in totality: the former measures it out; the latter fabricates it.
They can do so only in total isolation from all other human beings, who
appear to both men only in estranged forms, as enemies or allies, but
always as instruments, things.
One of the first adventures in the nostos* proper does, admittedly,
originate much further back, far beyond even the barbaric age of demonic
masks and gods of magic. It is the story of the Lotus-eaters. Whoever
tastes their food is as much in thrall as those who listen to the Sirens' song
or are touched by the wand of Circe. But no harm is done to those who
succumb: "Now it never entered the heads of these natives to kill my
friends. "15 They are threatened only by forgetfulness and loss of will. The
curse condemns them to nothing worse than a primal state exempt from
labor and struggle in the "fertile land":16 "As soon as each had eaten the
honeyed fruit of the plant, all thoughts of reporting to us or escaping were
banished from his mind. All they now wished for was to stay where they
were with the Lotus-eaters, to browse on the lotus, and to forget that they
had a home to return ro."17 Self-preserving reason cannot permit such an
idyll-reminiscent of the bliss-induced by narcotics, by which subordinate
classes have been made capable of enduring the unendurable in ossified
social orders-among its own people. And indeed, it is only an illusion of
bliss, a dull aimless vegetating, as impoverished as the life of animals. At
best, it would be an absence of the awareness of unhappiness. But happiness
contains truth within itself. It is in essence a result. It unfolds from
suffering removed. The enduring Odysseus is therefore right not to endure
life among the Lotus-eaters. Against them he asserts their own cause, the
realization of utopia through historical work, whereas simply abiding
within an image of bliss deprives them of their strength. But in being
exerred by rationality, by Odysseus, this right is inevitably drawn into the
realm of wrong. His immediate action is one which reasserts domination.
Self-preserving reason can no more tolerate this bliss "near the rim of the
world"18 than the more dangerous form it takes in later stages. The indo-
50 Excursus I
lenr defectors are fetched back to the galleys: "I had to use force to bring
them back to the ships, and they wept on the way, but once on board I
dragged them under the benches and left them in irons."19 Lorus is an oriental
food. Its thin-cut slices still play a part in Chinese and Indian cooking.
Perhaps the temptation ascribed to it is no other than that of regression
to the stage of gathering the fruits of the earth20 and the sea, older
than agriculture, cattle-rearing, or even hunring-older, in short, than
any production. It is hardly an accident that the epic connects the idea of
the life of idleness with the eating of flowers, whereas no such use is asso-­
ciated with them today. The eating of flowers, as is still customary during
dessert in the East and is known to European children from baking with
rosewater and from candied violets, bears the promise of a state in which
the reproduction of life is independent of conscious self-preservation, the
bliss of satiety uncoupled from the utility of planned nutrition. The memory
of the remote and ancient joy which flashes up before the sense of
smell is still inseparable from the extreme proximity of ingestion. It points
back ro earliest prehistory. No matter how copious the torments endured
by the people of that time, they cannot conceive of a happiness not nourished
by the image of that primal age: "So we left that country and sailed
on sick at heart."21
The next figure on whose shore Odysseus is cast up [verschlagen]­
being cast up and being cunning [verschlagen] are equivalents in Homeris
the Cyclops Polyphemus, who wears his single wheel-s zed eye.as a trace
of the same primal world: the singleness of the eye suggests the nose and
mouth, more primitwe than the symmetry of eyes and ears22 without
which, and the combining of their dual perceptions, no ide!)tification,
depth, or objectivity is possible. But, compared to the Lotus-eaters, he represents
a later, truly barbaric age, one of hunrers and shepherds. For
Homer, the definition of barbarism coincides with that of a state in which
no systematic agriculrure, and therefore no systematic, time-managing
organization of work and society, has yet been achieved. He calls the
Cyclopes "fierce, uncivilized people"23 because-and his words seem to
comain a secret confession of the guilt of civilizatio'
n itself-they "never
lift a hand ro planr-or plough but put their trust in Providencre. All the
crops th ey require spring up. unsown and untilled, wheat and barley and
the vines whose generous clusters give them wine when ripened for them
hy the timely rains."]A Abundance needs ne law, and civilization's accusa-
• '
Odysseus or Myth and Enlightenment 51
tion of anarchy sounds almost like a denunciation of abundance: "The
Cyclopes have no assemblies for the making of laws, nor any settled customs,
but live in hollow caverns in the mountain heights, where each man
is lawgiver to his children and his wives, and nobody cares a jot for his
neighbors."25 This is already a patriarchal society based on kinship and the
suppression of the physically weaker, but it is not yet organized on the
model of fixed property and its hierarchy; it is the lack of contact between
the cave dwellers which is the true reason for the absence of objective laws
and which calls forth Homer's accusation of their mutual disregard and
their state of savagery. In a later passage, however, the narrator's pragmatic
fidelity to his story contradicts his civilized judgment: despite their disregard
for one another, the tribe gather round the blinded Polyphemus's
cave when they hear his anguished cry, and only Odysseus's trick with his
name prevents the simpletons from coming to his aid. 26 Stupidity and lawlessness
share a common definition: when Homer calls the Cyclops a "lawless-minded
monster"27 he does not mean simply that the Cyclops does
not respect the laws of morality but that his thinking itself is lawless,
unsystematic, rhapsodic-as when he is unable to perform the straightforward
mental task of working out how his uninvited guests are able to
leave his cave, by clinging underneath the sheep instead of riding on them;
or to decipher the sophistic double meaning in Odysseus's false name.
Polyphemus, although he trusts in the power of the Immortals, is a cannibal;
accordingly, he refuses to show reverence for the gods despite his trust
in them: "Stranger, you must be a fool, or must have come from very far
afleld"-in later times fools and strangers were less scrupulously distinguished,
and ignorance of custom, like all foreignness, was branded
straight away as folly-"to preach to me of fear or reverence for the gods.
We Cyclopes care not a jot for Zeus with his aegis, nor for the rest of the
blessed gods, since we are much stronger than they."28 "We are stronger,"
Odysseus mockingly reports; but what the giant really meant was: "We are
older." The power of the solar system is acknowledged, but much as a feudal
lord might acknowledge that of bourgeois wealth, while tacitly regarding
himself as more noble and failing to perceive that the wrong done to
him is of the same kind as the wrong he himself represents. The nearby
sea-god Poseidon, Polyphemus's father and Odysseus's enemy, is older than
the universal Zeus in his remote heaven, and the feud between the elemental
popular religion and the logocentric religion of laws is fought out,
52 Excursus I
so to speak, on the backs of the subjects. However, the lawless Polyphemus
is not simply the villain he appears to be according to the taboos of civilization
and as the giant Goliath appears in the fables of enlightened childhood.
In the meager domain in which his self-preservation has taken on
orderly habits, he is not without redeeming traits. When he puts the young
sheep and goats to their mothers' udders, this practical action shows a concern
for creaturely life itself, and the famous speech of the blinded
Polyphemus in which he calls the leading ram his friend, asking whether
it is the last to leave the cave because it is grieving for its master's eye, has
a power and poignancy equaled only at the highest point of the Odyssey,
when the homecoming Odysseus is recognized by the old dog Argusdespite
the appalling brutality with which the speech ends. The giant's
behavior has not yet been objectified as character. When Odysseus begs for
hospitality he does not reply simply with an expression of savage hatred
but only by refusing to respect a law.-which does not yet apply to him. He
says merely that "it would not occur to him"29 to spare Odysseus and his
companions, and it is open to question whether his next question, about
the whereabouts of Odysseus's ship, is as devious as Odysseus reports it to
be. Boastful and beguiled, the drunken Polyphemus promises Odysseus
gifts of hospitality,30 and it is only the notion of Odysseus as Nobody that
gives him the malicious idea of showing his hospitality by eating the leader
last-perhaps because he has called liimselfNobody and thus may be considered
nonexistent in terms of the Cyclops's feeble 'Yit.31 The physical
crudity of the overpowerful creature is the source of his gullible trust. In
this way the observance of the mythical law, always an injustice to the
judged, also becomes an injustice to the natural power which itnposes that
law. Polyphemus and the other monsters that Odysseus outwits are models
for the stupidly litigious devils of the Christian era, right down rei Shylock
and Mephistopheles. The' giant's stupidity, the basis of his barbaric
bruraliry as long as his cause prospers, represents something better once it
is overthrown by one who should know better. Odysseus insinuates himself
into Polyphemus's trust and thus subverts the ptor's right to human
flesh, according to the artful schema whereby the statute is breached in the
observance: "Here,
-Cyclops, have some wine to wash down that meal of
human flesh, and find our.Jor yourself what kind of vintage was stored
aJay in our ship's hold,"32 the bearer of culture recommends.
However, the atlaptarion of reason to its opp
site, a S?te of con-
Odysseus or Myth and Enlightenment 53
sciousness in which no firm identity has yet crystallized-represented by
the bungling giant-culminates in the stratagem of the name. This is a
widespread motif in folklore. In the Greek version it is a play on words; in
a single word the name-Odysseus-and the intention-nobody-diverge.
To modern ears Odysseus and Udeis still sound similar, and it is conceivable
that in one of the dialects in which the story of the return to
Ithaca was handed down, the name of the island's king did indeed sound
the same as "nobody." The calculation that, once the deed was done,
Polyphemus would answer "Nobody" when the tribe asked who was to
blame, thus allowing the perpetrator to escape pursuit, is a thin rationalistic
screen. In reality, Odysseus, the subject, denies his own identity,
which makes him a subject, and preserves his life by mimicking the amorphous
realm. He calls himself nobody because Polyphemus is not a self,
and confusion of the name with the thing prevents the duped barbarian
from escaping the trap: his cry for -retribution remains magically tied to
the name of the one on whom he wants to avenge himself, and this name
condemns the cry to impotence. For by inserting his own intention into
the name, Odysseus has withdrawn it from the magical sphere. But his
self-assertion, as in the entire epic, as in all civilization, is self-repudiation.
Thereby the self is drawn back into the same compulsive circle of natural
connections from which it sought through adaptation to escape. The man
who, for the sake of his own self, calls himself Nobody and manipulates
resemblance to the natural state as a means of controlling nature, gives
way to hubris. The artful Odysseus cannot do otherwise: as he flees, while
still within the sphere controlled by the rock-hurling giant1 he not only
mocks Polyphemus but reveals to him his true name and origin, as if the
primeval world still had such power over Odysseus, who always escaped
only by the skin of his teeth, that he would fear to become Nobody again
if he did not reestablish his own identity by means of the magical word
which rational identity had just superseded. His friends try to restrain him
from the folly of proclaiming his cleverness but do not succeed, and he
narrowly escapes the hurled rocks, while the mention of his name probably
brings down on him the hatred of Poseidon-who is hardly presented
as omniscient. The cunning by which the clever man assumes the form of
stupidity reverts to stupidity as soon as he discards that form. That is the
dialectic of eloquence. From antiquity to fascism, Homer has been criticised
for garrulousness-both in the hero and in the narrator. But the
54 Excursus I
Ionian has proved himself prophetically superior to Spartans old and new
in his depiction of the doom which the fluency of the sly fox, the middleman,
brings down on the latter. The speech which gets the better of physical
strength is unable to curb itself. Its spate accompanies the stream of
consciousness, thought itself, like a parody: thought's unwavering autonomy
takes on a moment of manic folly when it enters reality as speech, as
if thought and reality were synonymous, whereas the former has power
over the latter only through distance. Such distance, however, is also suffering.
For this reason the astute hero is always tempted to ignore the
proverbial wisdom that silence is golden. He is driven objectively by the
fear that, if he does not constantly uphold the fragile advantage the word
has over violence, this advantage will be withdrawn by violence. For the
word !mows itself to be weaker than the nature it has duped. By _talking
roo much he gives away the principle of violence and injustice underlying
discourse and provokes in the feared adversary the very action he fears.
The mythical compulsion acting on language in prehistory is perpetuated
in the calamity which enlightened language brings on itself "Udeis," who
compulsively proclaims ,himself to be Odysseus, already bears features of
the Jew who, in fear of death, continues to boast of a superiority which
itself stems from the fear of death; revenge on the middleman stands not
only at the end of bourgeois society but at its beginning, as the negative
utopia toward which coercive violence tends in all its forms.
Unlike the stories of the escape from myth as an escape from barbaric
cannibalism, the magical tale of Circe points back one more to the
stage of actual magic. Magic disintegrates the self which falls back into its
power and thus into the form of an earlier biological species. The power
wh ich causes the self's dissolution is, again, rh;at of oblivion. With the
fixed order of rime, it gains control of the fixed will of the subject, which:
is hased on that order. Circe seduces Odysseus's men into abandoning
themselves to instinct, with which the animal form assumed by the victims
has always been associated, while Circe has become the prototype of the
courresan, probably on rhe strength of the words of Hermes, which take
her erotic initiatives for granted: "She ill shrink from you in terror and
i nvite you to her bed. }'lor must you hesitate to accept the goddess'
bvors . ... 1·1 Ci rce's signature is ambiguity, and in the story she appears by
'\
turns as corruptcr and helper; ambiguity is expressed even in her lineage:
she is t he daughter of Hdips and the granddaughter of Oceanus.34 Jn her
' .
Odysseus or Myth and Enlightenment 55
the elements of fire and water are not yet separated, and it is this indeterminacy-in
contrast to the primacy of a particular aspect of nature,
whether matriarchal or patriarchal-which constitutes the essence of
promiscuity and of the courtesan, reappearing as a watery lunar reflection
even in the gaze of a nineteenth-century prostitute.35 The hetaera both
bestows joy and destroys the autonomy of its recipient-that is her ambiguity.
But she does not necessarily destroy the recipient himself: she holds
fast to an older form of life.36 Like the Lotus-eaters, Circe does not cause
lethal harm to her guests, and even those she has turned in to wild beasts
are peaceable: "Prowling about the place were mountain wolves and lions,
actually the drugged victims of Circe's magic, for they not only refrained
from attacking my men but Tose on their hind legs to caress them, with
much wagging of their long tails, like dogs fawning on their master, as he
comes from table, for the tasty bits they know he always brings."37 The
bewitched humans behave in a similar way to the wild animals which listen
to the playing of Orpheus. The niyrhical command to which they have
been subjected at the same time liberates the very nature which is suppressed
in them. What is revoked by their relapse into myth is myth itself.
The suppression of instinct which constitutes them as selves and separates
them from beasts was the introverted form of the repression existing within
the hopelessly closed cycle of narure, to which, according to an earlier
theory, the name Circe alludes. But, as the idyll of the Lotus-eaters had
done earlier, the violent magic which recalls them to an idealized prehistory
not only makes them animals but brings about, in however delusive
a form, a semblance of reconciliation. But because they were once men the
civilizing epic cannot present their fate as anything other tha a calamitous
lapse, and in Homer's account there is hardly a trace of the pleasure
which went with it. It is all the more emph tically expunged the more civilized
the victims themselves areY Odysseus's companions are not turned
into sacred crearures of the wilderness, like earlier guests, but into squalid
domestic animals, swine. The story of Circe may contain echoes of the
chthonic cult of Demeter, for whom the pig was sacrcd.39 But perhaps it
is also the humanoid anatomy of the pig and its nakedness which explain
this motif: as if the same taboo on mingling with the blood of similar
species, which has survived among the Jews, already existed among the
lonians. Finally, one may think of the prohibition on cannibalism, since,
as in Juvenal, the taste of human flesh has repeatedly been compared to
56 Excursus I
that of pigs. At any rate, later civilizations have always liked to apply the
name of pig or swine to anyone whose impulses tended toward other
pleasures than those sanctioned by society for its purposes. Magic and
countermagic in the metamorphoses of Odysseus's companions are linked
to herbs and wine, as intoxication and waking are to the sense of smell,
which is increasingly suppressed and repressed and is closest not only to
sex but to the remembrance of prehistory.40 In the image of the pig, however,
the joy of scent is distorted into the unfree snuffling41 of someone
who has his nose to the ground and has renounced the upright posture. It
is as if, in the ritual to which she subjects the men, the sorceress-courtesan
were reenacting the one to which she herself is repeatedly subjected by
patriarchal society. Like her, women are predisposed, under the pressure of
civilization, to adopt its judgment on women and to denigrate sex. In the
conflict between enlightenment and myth, the traces of which are preserved
in the epic, the powerful seducq ss is at the same time weak, obsolete,
and vulnerable and needs the enslaved beasts as her escortY As a representative
of nature, woman in bourgeois society has become an enigma
of irresistibility43 and powerlessness. Thus she reflects back the vain lie of
power, which substitutes the mastery over narure for reconciliation with it.
Marriage is society's middle way in dealing with this question: woman
remains powerless in that her power is mediated to her only through
her husband. Something of this is refleCted in the defeat of the courtesangoddess
of the Odyssey, while the fully evolved marriage with Penelope,
more recent in literary terms, represents a later stage in the objective struct
ure of patriarchal arrangements. With the arrival of Odysseus on Aeaea,*
t he double meaning of the relationship of man to woman, of ye ning to
command, already takes on the form of an exd?-ange underpinned by conI
racrs. Odysseus resists Circe's magic. And he therefore receives actually
what her magic promises only deceptively to those who fail to resist.
( )dysseus sleeps with her. But beforehand he makes her swear a solemn
oarh by the blessed gods. The oath 'is intended to protecr the male from
t he mutilation which avenges the ban on promiscuity and male domination-;-although
that domination, as a permanent suppression of instinct,
symbolically performs the self-mutilation of thl! man in any case. Bec;ause
of his resistance to metamorphosis, Circe accuses Odysseus of having "a
heart in \
[ his] breast which nothi•1g enchants."44 Bur she is also willing to
suhmir to the man who ha,s resisted her, the master, the self: "I b_eg you
Odysseus or Myth and Enlightenment 57
now to put up your sword and come with me to my bed, so that in love
and sleep we may learn to trust each other. "45 The price she places on the
pleasure she bestows is the condition that pleasure should first have been
spurned; the last hetaera emerges as the first female character. In the transition
from legend to history she makes a decisive contribution to the
bourgeois chill. Her behavior puts into effect the ban on love which later
became all the more powerful the more love as ideology was obliged to dissimulate
the hatred between the competing partners. In the world of
exchange the one who gives more is in the wrong; but the one who loves
is always the one who loves more. While the lover's sacrifice is glorified,
the making of that sacrifice is jealously enforced. It is precisely in love itself
that the lover is incriminated and punished. The inability to master himself
and others demonstrated by his love is reason enough to deny him fulfillment.
With society, loneliness reproduces itself on a wider scale. The
mechanism operates even within the tenderest ramifications of feeling,
until love itself, in order to have contact with another person at all, is
forced to assume such coldness that it shatters at the moment of its realization.
Circe's power, which subjugates men as her slaves, gives way to her
enslavement to the man who, th ough renunciation, has refused to submit.
The goddess Circe's influence over nature, ascribed to her by the poet,
is reduced to priestly soothsaying and even to clever foresight with regard
to coming nautical difficulties. This lives on in the caricature of feminine
wisdom. In the end, the prophecies of the disempowered sorceress regarding
the Sirens, Scylla, and Charybdis merely serve the purposes of male
self-preservation.
How high q price was paid for the establishing of orderly arrangements
for procreation is hinted at by the obscure passage on the behavior
of Odysseus's friends when Circe had transformed them back into men as
required by her contractual lord. First we read that "they not only became
men again but looked younger and much handsomer and taller than
before."46 But those who are thus confirmed and strengthened in their
manhood are not happy: "We were so moved that we all wept for happiness.
It was a strange sound for those walls to echo."47 The earliest wedding
song, the accompaniment of the feast celebrating the rudimentary
marriage which lasts only a year, may have sounded like this. The actual
marriage to Penelope has more in common with it than might be supposed.
Harlot and wife arc complementary forms of female self-alienation
58 Excursus I
in the patriarchal world: the wife betrays pleasure ro the fixed order of
life and property, while the harlot, as her secret accomplice, brings within
the property relationship that which the wife's property rights do not
include-pleasure-by selling it. Circe and Calypso, the courtesans, are
introduced as diligent weavers, thus resembling both mythical powers of
fate and bourgeois housewives,48 while Penelope, like a harlot, mistrustfully
scrutinizes the returning Odysseus to make sure he is not really just
an old beggar or even a god trying his luck. The much-lauded recognition
scene is a truly patrician encounter: "For a long while Penelope, overwhelmed
by wonder, sat there without a word. But her eyes were busy, at
one moment resting full on his face, and at the next falling on the ragged
clothes that made him seem a stranger once again."49 There is no spontaneous
upsurge of feeling; she is determined to avoid a mistake, which she
can hardly aff ord under the weight of the order bearing down on her. This
annoys the young Telemachus, wh has not yet fully adapted himself to
his future position yet already feels man enough to admonish his mother.
By reproaching het with obstinacy and hardness, he exactly repeats the
accusation of Circe against Odysseus . If the hetaera makes the patriarchal
world order her own, the monogamous wife is not satisfied even with this
and cannot rest until she has made herself conform to the male character.
In this way the spouses settle their differences. The test he sets Odysseus
concerns the immovable position of the marriage bed which her husband,
as a young man, had constructed around an olive tree, a symbol of the
unity of sex and property. With touching artfulness she refers to this bed
as if it could be moved from the spot, whereupon her husband, "flaring
up" and "rounding on" his wife, proceeds to give a circumstantial account
of his durable amateur hanliiwork: as a pro otypical bourgeois he is. Sfl1art
enough to have a hobby. It consists in a resumption of the craft work from
which, within the framework of differentiated property relations, he has
long since been exempted. He enjoys this occupation, as his freedom to
perform superfluous tasks confirms his power over those who have to do
suc;h work in order to live. By this the ingenious Penelope recognizes him,
llarrering him with praise of his exceptional intelligence. But her flattery,
which is nor without a touch of mockery, is followed, in an abrupt esura,
hy words which seek the reason'for i:he suffering of all spouses in the gods'
envy c\r the happiness guaranteed only by marriage, the "confirmation of
t he wnccpt of pcrmancr cc": 0 "All our unha Jpiness is .due to lhe gods,
Odysseus or Myth and Enlightenment 59
who couldn't bear to see us share the joys of youth and reach the threshold
of old age together."51 Marriage represents not only the account-balancing
order of the living but also solidarity and steadfastness in face of
death. In it reconciliation grows up around subjugation, just as in history
up to now true humanity has flourished only in conjunction with the barbaric
el ment which is veiled by "humane values." Even if the contract
between the spouses sets aside the old hostility only with difficulty, nevertheless
the couple aging in peace merges into the image of Philemon and
Baucis, as the smoke from the sacrificial altar is transmuted into that rising
beneficently from the hearth. Undoubtedly, marriage forms part of the
primal rock of myth at the base of civilization. But its mythic solidity and
permanence jut from myth, as the small island realm rises from the endless
sea.
The farthest point reached on the odyssey proper is no such homely
refuge. It is Hades. The images which appear to the adventurer in the
first visit to the Underworld'" are of matriarchal shades52 who have been
banished by the religion of light: his own mother, before whom Odysseus
forces himself to maintain a purposive patriarchal hardness, 53 is followed
by heroines from primeval times. The image of the mother, however, is
powerless, blind, and speechless,54 a phantom, like epic narrative at the
moments when language gives way to images. Sacrificial blood is required
as a pledge of living memory before the shades can speak, breaking free,
however vainly and ephemerally, from mythic muteness. Only when subjectivity
masters itself by recognizing the nullity of images does it begin to
share the hope which images vainly promise. The Promis d Land for
Odysseus is not the archaic realm of images. Finally, all the images reveal
their true essence as shades in the world of the dead, as illusion. Having
recognized them as dead he dismisses them with the lordly gesture of selfpreservation,
banishing them from the sacrifice which he reserves for those
who grant him knowledge which benefits his life. In such knowledge the
power of myth, transposed into mental forms, survives only as imagination.
The realm of the dead, where the disempowered myths gather, is farthest
from his homeland, with which it can communicate only from the
remotest distance. If one follows Kirchhoff in supposing that Odysseus's
visit to the Underworld forms part of the oldest stratum of the epic, composed
of actual legends,.,., then this oldest strarum also contains a tendency
which-as in the tradition of the journeys to the Underworld of
6o Excursus I
Orpheus and Heracles-most decisively transcends myth. Indeed, the
motif of forcing the gates of hell, of abolishing death, is the innermost cell
of all antimythological thought. This antimythological element is contained
in Teiresias's prophecy of the possible placation of Poseidon. Odysseus
is to wander ever farther, carrying on his shoulder an oar, until he
reaches a people "who know nothing of the sea and never use salt with
their food."56 When he meets another traveler who refers to the oar on his
shoulder as a "winnowing fan," he will have reached the proper place to
offer a sacrifice to Poseidon. The core of the prophecy is the mistaking of
the oar for a winnowing fan. This must have struck the Ionian as compellingly
comic. However, this comic effect, on which the reconciliation is
made to depend, cannot have been directed at humans but at the wrathful
Poseidon. 57 The misunderstanding is meant to amuse the fierce elemental
god, in the hope that his anger might be dispersed in laughter.
That would be analogous to the_neighbor's advice in Grimm, explaining
how a mother can rid herself of a changeling: "She should carry the
changeling into the kitchen, set it on the hearth, light the fire and boil
water in two eggsh'ells. That would make the changeling laugh, and if he
laughed then that would make an end of him."58 If laughter up to now*
has been a sign of violence, an outbreak of blind, obdurate nature, it nevertheless
contains the opposite element, in that through laughter blind
nature becomes aware of itself as such and thus abjures its destructive violence.
This ambiguity of laughter is closely related o that of name; perhaps
names are nothing but petrified laughter, as nicknames still are-the
only ones in which the original act of name-giving still persists. Laughter
is in league with the guilt of subjectivity, but in the susp.ension of law
which it announces it also points beyond at complicity. It promises a
passage to the homeland. It is a yearning for the homeland which sets in
motion the adventures by which subjectivity, the prehistory of which is
narrated' in the Odyssey, escapes the primeval world. The fact thatdespite
the fascist lies to the contrary-the concept of homeland is
opposed to myth constitutes the innermost paradox of epic. Precipitated
in £he epic is the m mory of an historical age in which n-omadism gave way
to settlement, the precondition of any homeland. If the fixed order of
property implicit in settlement is the source of human alienation, in which
all ho nesickness and longing spring from a lost primal state, at the same
time it is loward settlem nt and fiXed property, on which alone, the con-
Odysseus or Myth and Enlightenment 61
cept of homeland is based, that all longing and homesickness are directed.
Navalis's definition according to which all philosophy is homesickness
holds good only if this longing is not dissipated in the phantasm of a lost
original state, but homeland, and nature itself, are pictured as something
that have had first to be wrested from myth. Homeland is a state of having
escaped. For this reason the criticism that the Homeric legends "withdraw
from the earth" is a warranty of their truth. They "turn to men."59
The 'transposition of myths into the novel, as in the adventure story, does
not falsify myth so much as drag it into the sphere of time, exposing the
abyss which separates ir from homeland and reconciliation. The vengeance
wreaked by civilization on the primeval world has been terrible, and in this
vengeance, the most horrifying document of which in Homer is to be
found in the account of the mutilation of the goatherd Melanthios, civilization
itself resembles the primeval world. It is not in the content of the
deeds reponed that civilization transcends that world. It is in the selfreflection
which causes violence to pause at the moment of narrating such
deeds. Speech itself, language as opposed to mythical song, the possibility
of holding fast the past atrocity through memory, is the law of Homeric
escape. Not without reason is the fleeing hero repeatedly introduced as
narrator. The cold detachment of narrative, which describes even the horrible
as if for entertainment, for the first time reveals in all their clarity the
horrors which in song are solemnly confused with fate. Bur when speech
pauses, the caesura allows the events narrated to be transformed into
something long past, and causes to flash up a semblance of freedom that
civilization has been unable wholly to extinguish ever since. Book)OGI of
the Odyssey describes the punishment meted out by the son of the island's
king to the faithless maidservants who have sunk into harlotry. With an
unmoved composure comparable in its inhumanity only to the impassibilite
of the greatest narrative writers of the nineteenth century, the fate of
the hanged victims is described and expressionlessly compared to the
death of birds in a trap; and, as of the numb pause surrounding the narration
at this point, it can truly be said that the rest of all speech is silence.
This is followed by a statement reporting that "For a little while their feet
kicked out, but not for very long."60 The exactitude of the description,
which already exhibits the coldness of anatomy and vivisection,61 keeps a
record, as in a novel, of the twitching of the subjugated women, who,
under the aegis of justice and law, are thrust down into the realm from
62 Excursus I
which Odysseus the judge has escaped. As a citizen reflecting on the execution,
Homer comforts himself and his listeners, who are really readers,
with the certified observation that the kicking did not last long-a
moment, and all was over.62 But after the words "not for long" the inner
flow of the narrative comes to rest. "Not for long?" the narrator asks by
this device, giving the lie to his own composure. In being brought to a
standstill, the report is prevented from forgetting the victims of the execution
and lays bare the unspeakably endless torment of the single second in
which the maids fought against death. No echo remains of the words "not
for long" except Cicero's Quo usque tandem ["How much longer (will you
try our patience)?"], which later rhetoricians unwittingly desecrated by
claiming that patience for themselves. But in the report of the infamous
deed, hope lies in the fact that it is long past. Over the raveled skein of
prehistory, barbarism, and culture, Homer passes the soothing hand of
remembrance, bringing the solac - of "once upon a time." Only as the
novel is the epic transmuted into fairy tale.
Excursus II: Juliette or Enlightenment and Morality
Enlightenment, in Kant's words, is "the human being's emergence
from self-incurred minority. Minority is inability to make use of one's own
understanding without direction from another."1 "Understanding without
direction from another" is understanding guided by reason. That amounts
to saying that the mind combines its individual cognitions into a system
in accordance with its own internal logic. "Reason has ... as its sole object
the understanding and its effective application. "2 It posits "a certain collective
unity as the goal of the activities of the understanding,"3 and this
unity is the system. Reason's rules are instructions for a hierarchical ordering
of concepts. For Kant, as for Leibniz and Descartes, rationality consists
in "processes of ascending to the higher genera and of descending to
the lower species [by which] we obtain the idea of systematic connection
in irs completeness."4 The "systematization" of knowledge lies in "the connection
of its pans i conformity with a single principle."5 Thinking, as
understood by the Enlightenment, is the process of establishing a unified,
scientific order and of deriving factual knowledge from principles,
whether these principles are interpreted as arbitrarily posited axioms,
i nnate ideas, or the highest abstraaions. The laws of logic establish the
most universal relationships within the order and define them. Unity lies
in self-consistency. The principle of contradiction is the system in nuce.
Knowledge consists in subsumption under principles. It is one with judgment,
by which perceptions are incorporated into the system. Any think-
64 Excursus II
ing not guided by the system is directionless or authoritarian. Reason contributes
nothing but the idea of systematic unity, the formal elements of
fixed conceptual relationships. Any substantial objective which might be
put forward as a rational insight is, according to the Enlightenment in its
strict sense, delusion, falsehood, "rationalization," no maner what pains
individual philosophers may take to steer us away from this conclusion
and toward a reliance on philanthropic feeling. Reason is "a faculty of
deducing the particular from the universal."6 According to Kant, the
homogeneity of the general and the particular is guaranteed by the "schematism
of pure understanding," by which he means the unconscious activity
of the intellectual mechanism which structures perception in accordance
with the understanding. The intelligibility which subjective judgment
discovers in any matter is imprinted on that matter by the intellect
as an objective quality before it enters the ego. Without such a schematism-in
. short, without rhe intellectual element in perception-no
impression would conform to the corresponding concept, no category to
the particular exa,mple; thought, not to speak of the system toward which
everything is directed, would be devoid of unity. To establish this unity is
rhe conscious task of science. If"all empirical laws [are] only special determinations
of the pure laws of understanding,"7 research must always
ensure that the principles are prop_erly linked to the factual judgments.
"This harmony of nature with our cognitive faculty is presupposed a priori
by rhe Judgment. "8 It is the "guiding thread"9 of t)rganized experience.
The system must be kept in harmony with nature; just as facts are
predicted from the system, so they must confirm it. Facts, however, form
part of praxis; they everywhere characterize the contact of-the individual
subject with nature as social object: experience is always rea! action and
suffering. In physics, to be sure, the perception by which a theory can be
proved is usually reduced to the electrical spark appearing in the experimental
apparatus. Its nonapp arance is generally of no practical consequence;
it merely destroys the theory or, at most, the career of the research
, assistant responsible for setting up the experiment, However, laboratory
conditions are the exception. A thinking which fails to maintain agreement
betw en system and perception does not merely violate iso'lated visual
impressions; it conflicts wirh real praxis. Nor only does the expected
ev nt fail ro occur but the unexpected happens: the bridge collapses, the
crop !ails, the medicine causes illness. The-spark whifh most conclusively
juliette or Enlightenment and Morality 65
indicates a lack of systematic thinking, a violation of logic, is not a fleeting
perception but sudden death. The system which enlightenment aims
for is the form of knowledge which most ably deals with the facts, most
effectively assists the subject in mastering nature. The system's principles
are those of self-preservation. Immaturity amounts to the inability to survive.
The bourgeois in the successive forms of the slave-owner, the free
entrepreneur, and the administrator is the logical subject of enlightenment.

The difficulties within this concept of reason, arising from the fact
that irs subjects, the bearers of one and the same reason, are in real opposition
to each other, are concealed in the Western Enlightenment behind
the apparent clarity of its judgments. In the Critique of Pure Reason, however,
those difficulties make themselves apparent in the unclear relationship
of the transcendental to the empirical ego and in the other irreconcilable
contradictions. Kant's concepts are ambiguous. Reason as the transcendental,
supraindividual self contains the idea of a free coexistence in
which human beings organize themselves to form the universal subject
and resolve the conflict between pure and empirical reason in the conscious
solidarity of the whole. The whole represents the idea of true universality,
utopia. At the same time, however, reason is the agency of calculating
thought, which arranges the world for the purposes of self-preservation
and recognizes no function other than that of working on the
object as mere sense material in order to make it the material of subjugation.
The true nature of the schematism which externally coordinates the
universal and the particular, the concept and the individual, case, finally
turns out, in current science, to be the interest of industrial society. Being
is apprehended in terms of manipulation and administration. Everything-including
the individual human being, not to mention the animal-becomes
a repeatable, replaceable process, a mere example of the
conceptual models of the system. Conflict between administrative, reifying
science, between the public mind and the experience of the individual,
is precluded by the prevailing circumstances. The senses are determined
by the conceptual apparatus in advance of perception; the citizen sees the
world as made a priori of the stuff from which he himself constructs it.
Kanr inruitively anticipated what Hollywood has consciously put into
practice: images are precensored during production by the same standard
of understanding which will later determine their reception by viewers.
6 6 Excursus II
The perception by which public judgment feels itself confirmed has been
shaped by that judgment even before the perception takes place. Although
the secret utopia harbored within the concept of reason may have
glimpsed the repressed identical interest which lies beyond the diverse
accidental interests of subjects, reason, operating under the pressure of
purposes merely as systematic science, not only levels out the differences
but standardizes the identical interest. It acknowledges no determinacion
other than the classifications of the social operation. No one is different to
the purpose for which he has been produced: a useful, successful, or failed
member of professional and national groups. He is a single, random representative
of his geographical, psychological, and sociological type. Logic
is democratic: in this respect the great have no advantage over the most
menial. The former are counted as prominent citizens while the latter are
prospective objects of welfare relie( Science stands in the same relationship
to ature and human beings in general as insurance theory stands to
life and death in particular. Who dies is unimportant; what matters is the
ratio of incidences of death to the liabilities of the company. It is the law
of large numbers, not the particular case, which recurs in the formula. Nor
is the concordance of general and particular concealed any longer within
an intellect which always perceives the particular as a case of the general
and the general only as the aspect _of the particular by which it can be
.grasped and manipulated. Science itself has no awareness of itself; it is
merely a tool. Enlightenment, however, is the philosgphy which equates
truth with the scientific system. Kant's attempt to justify this identity,
which was still made with a philosophical intention, gave rise to concepts
which have no meaning for science, since they are not simply instructions
for performing manip ations according to certain rules. The notion of the
self-understanding of s ience conflicts with the concept of science itself.
Kant's work transcends experience as mere operation, and for that reason-and
in accordance with, its own principles-is rejected as dogmatic
by enlightenment today. In confirming the scientific system as the embodiment
of truth-the result arrived at by Kant-thqught sets the seal on its
own insignificance, because science is a technical operation, as far removed
from reflection on- its own objectives as' is any other form of labor under
the pressure of the system"
The moral teachings of the Enlightenment bear witness to the hopelcssnc., s
of attempting to replace enfeebled religi«;>n by an intellectual

juliette or Enlightenment and Morality 67
motive for enduring within society when material interest no longer suffices.
As solid citizens, philosophers ally themselves in practice with the
powers they condemn in theory. The theories are logical and hard while
the moral philosophies are propagandistic and sentimental, even when rigorous
in tone, or else the moral philosophies are acts of violence performed
in the awareness that morality is nondeducible, like Kant's recourse to
treating moral forces as facts. His attempt to derive the duty of mutual
respect from a law of reason, although more cautious than any other such
undertaking in Western philosophy, has no support within the Critique. It
is the usual endeavor of bourgeois thought to ground the respect without
which civilization cannot exist on something other than material interest-an
attempt more sublime and paradoxical than any that went before,
but just as ephemeral. The citizen who renounced a profit out of the
Kantian motive of respect for the mere form of the law would not be
enlightened but superstitious-a fool. The root of Kantian optimism,
according to which moral actions are reasonable even when base ones are
likely to prosper, is a horror of relapsing into barbarism. If-Kant writes
in response to Haller10-one of these great moral forces, reciprocal love
and respect, were to collapse, "then nothingness (immorality) with gaping
maw would drink the whole realm of (moral) beings like a drop of water."
But, according to Kant, from the standpoint of scientific reason moral
forces are neutral drives and forms of behavior, no less than immoral ones,
which they immediately become when no longer directed at chat hidden
possibility but at reconciliation with power. Enlightenment expels difference
from theory. It considers "human actions and desires· exactly as if I
were dealing with lines, planes, and bodies."1 1 The totalitarian order has
put this into effect in ut,ter seriousness. Freed from supervision by one's
own class, which had obliged the nineteenth-century businessman to
maintain Kantian respect and reciprocal love, fascism,* which by its iron
discipline relieves its peoples of th burden of moral feelings, no longer
needs to observe any discipline. Contrary to the categorical imperative,
and all the more deeply in accord with pure reason, it treats human beings
as things, centers of modes of behavior. The rulers sought to shield the
bourgeois world from the flood of naked violence, which now has broken
over Europe, only for as long as economic concentration was insufficiently
advanced. Previously only the poor and savages had been exposed to the
u nrrammcled force of rhe capitalist elements. But the totalitarian order has
68 Excursus II
granted unlimited rights to calculating thought and puts its trust in science
as such. Its canon is its own brutal efficiency.* From Kant's Critique
to Nietzsche's Genealogy of Morals, the hand of philosophy had traced the
writing on the wall; one individual put that writing into practice, in all its
details. The work of the Marquis de Sade exhibits "understanding without
direction from another"-that is to say, the bourgeois subject freed from
all tutelage.
Self-preservation is the constitutive principle of science, the soul of
the table of categories, even if, as in Kant, it has to be deduced idealistically.
Even the ego, the synthetic unity of apperception, the agency which
Kant calls the highest point, from which the whole of logic must be suspended,
12 is really both the product and the condition of material existence.
Individuals, in having to fend for themselves, develop the ego as the
agency of reflective foresight and overview; over successive generations it
expands and <;ontracts with the indivioual's prospects of economic autonomy
and productive ownership. Finally it passes from the expropriated citizens
to the totalitarian trust-masters, whose science has become the quintessence
of the methods by which the subjugated mass society reproduces
itself. Sade erected an early monument to their planning skills. The conspiracy
of rulers against peoples, implemented by relentless organization,
finds the Enlightenment spirit since Machiavelli and Hobbes no less cornpliant
than the bourgeois republic. That spirit is hostile to authority only
when authority lacks the strength to enforce obedience, and to violence
only when violence is not an established fact. As long as one does not ask
who is applying it, reason has no greater affinity with violence than with
mediation; depending on the situation of individuals and groups, it presenrs
either peace or war, t,olerance or repression, as the given stare of
affairs. Because it unmasks substantial goals as asserting the power of
nature over mind and as curtailing its own self-legislation, reason, as a
purely formal entity, is at the serv ce of every natural interest. Becoming
simply an organ, thinking reverts to nature. For the rulers, however,
human beings become mere material;- as the whole of nature has become
material for society. After the brief interlude of liberalism in which the
bourgeois kept one another in check, power is revealing itself a.S archaic
terror in a fascistically rationalized form.* "The religious chimeras," says
rhc 'Prince of Francavilla at the court of King Ferdinand of Naples, "must
he replaced by utmost terror. The people must be freeq from the fear of a
juliette or Enlightenment and Morality 69
future Hell. Once that is destroyed they will abandon themselves to anything.
Bur that chimerical fear must be replaced by penal laws of enormous
severity, which apply, of course, only to the people, since they alone
cause unrest in the state. Malcontents are born only to the lower classes.
What do the rich care for the idea of a leash they will never feel themselves,
if this empty semblance gives them the right to grind down those
living under their yoke? You will find no one in that class who will not permit
the darkest shadow of tyranny to fall on him, provided it really falls
on others."13 Reason is the organ of calculation, of planning; it is neutral
with regard to ends; its element is coordination. More than a century
before the emergence of sport, Sade demonstrated empirically what Kant
grounded uansccndentally: the affinity between knowledge and planning
which has set irs stamp of inescapable functionality on a bourgeois existence
rationalized even in its breathing spaces. The precisely coordinated
modern sporting squad, in which no member is in doubt over his role and
a replacement is held ready for each, has its exact counterpart in the sexual
reams of Juliette, in which no moment is unused, no body orifice
neglected, no function left inactive. In sport, as in all branches of mass culture,
a tense, purposive bustle prevails, although none but the wholly initiated
observer could fathom the different combinations or the meaning
of the game's changing fortunes, governed by arbitrarily chosen rules. The
special architectonic structure of the Kantian system, like the gymnasts'
pyramids in Sade's orgies and the formalized principles of early bourgeois
freemasonry-cynically reflected in the strict regime of the libertine society
of the I20 Days of Sodom-prefigures the organization, devoid of any
substantial goals, which was to encompass the whole of life. What seems
to matter in such events, more than pleasure itself, is the busy pursuit of
pleasure, irs organization; just as in oth r demythologized epochs, imperial
Rome, the Renaissance, and the Baroque, the schema of activity counted
for more than its content. In the modern period enlightenment has
released the ideas of harmony and perfection from their hypostatization in
a religious Beyond and made them available as criteria for human endeavor
within the form of the system. Once the utopia which inspired the
hopes of the French Revolution had been absorbed, potently and impotently,
into German music and philosophy, the established bourgeois order
entirely funetionalized reason. It became a purposiveness without purpose,
which for rhat very reason could be harnessed to any end. It is planning
70 Excursus II
considered as an end in itself. The totalitarian state manipulates nations.
"Just so," replies the Prince in Sade to the speaker just quoted, "the government
itself must control the population. It must possess the means to
exterminate the people, should it fear them, or to increase their numbers,
should it consider that necessary. And nothing should weigh in the balance
of its justice except its own interests or passions, together only with
the passions and interests of those who, as we have said, have been granted
just enough power to multiply our own."14 The Prince points the path
which imperialism, reason in its most terrible form, has always followed.
"Take away its god from the people you wish to subjugate and you will
demoralize it. As long as it has no other god than yours, you will always
be its master ... Grant it in return the widest, most criminal license.
Never punish it, except when it turns against you."15
As reason posits no substantial goals, all aff ects are equally remote to
it. They are merely natural. The principle according to which reason is
simply oppos d to everything unreasonable underlies the true opposition
between enlightenment and mythology. The latter recognizes spirit only
as something immersed in nature, a natural power. For it, inward impulses,
like outward forces, are living powers of divine or demonic origin.
Enlightenment, by contrast, relocates contexermeaning, and life entirely
within a subjectivity which is actually constituted only by this relocation.
For enlightenment, reason is the chemical agent which absorbs the real
substance of things and volatilizes it into the mere autonomy of reason. In
order to escape the superstitious fear of nature, enlightenment has presented
effective objective entities and forms without exception as mere
veils of chaotic matter and condemned matter's influence on the human
agent as enslavement, until the subject, according to its own concept, had
been turned into a single, unrestricted, empty authority. The whole force
of nature became a mere undifferentiated resistance to the abstract power
of the subject. The particular mythology which the Western Enlightenment,
including Calvinism, had t do away with was the Catholic doctrine
of the ordo and the pagan popul'!f" religion which. continued to flouri h
beneath it. To liberate human beings from such beliefs was the objective
of bourgeois philosophy. However, the liberation went funher than its
humane originators had inte.Qded. The market economy it unleashed. was
at dnce rhe prevailing form of reason and the power which ruined reason.
The RoJ?antic reacrionaries only expressed whar the bourgeois themselves
juliette or Enlightenment and Morality 71
had realized: that freedom in their world tended toward organized anarchy.
The Catholic counterrevolution's critique of the Enlightenment
proved no less valid than the Enlightenment's critique of Catholicism. The
Enlightenment had pinned its colors to liberalism. If all affects are of equal
value, then self-preservation, which dominates the form of the system in
any case, seems to offer the most plausible maxims for action. It was to be
given free rein in the free economy. The somber writers of the early bourgeois
period, such as Machiavelli, Hobbes, and Mandeville, who spoke up
for the egoism of the self, thereby recognized society as the destructive
principle and denounced harmony before it was elevated to the official
doctrine by the bearers of light, the classicists. The former writers exposed
the totality of the bourgeois order as the horrifying entity which finally
engulfed both, the general and the particular, society and the self. With the
development of the economic system* in which the control of the economic
apparatus by private groups creates a division between human
beings, self-preservation, although treated by reason as identical, had become
the reified drive of each individual citizen and proved to be a destructive
natural force no longer distinguishable from self-destruction.
The two principles combined in a murky fusion. Pure reason became
unreason, a procedure as immune to errors as it was devoid of content.
However, with the revolutionary avanr-garde, the utopia which proclaimed
the reconciliation between nature and the self emerged from its
hiding place in German philosophy as something at once irrational and
reasonable, as the idea of the community of free individuals*-and
brought down on itself the full fury of reason. In society as it is, despite
feeble moralistic attempts to propagate humanity as the most rational
means, self-preservation remains unencumbered by a utopia denounced as
myth. For those at the top, shrewd self-preservation means the fascist
struggle for power, and for individuals it means adaptation to injustice at
any price. Enlightened reason no-more possesses the means of measuring
one drive within itself against others than of ordering the universe into
spheres. It rightly exposes the notion of hierarchy in nature as a reflection
of medieval society, and later attempts to demonstrate a new order of values
bear the unmistakable taint of mendacity. The irrationalism which is
evident in such futile reconstructions is far from opposing industrial reason.*
Whereas great philosophy, in Leibniz and Hegel, had recognized a
claim to truth even in subjective and objective forms of expression-feel-
72 Excursus II
ings, institutions, works of art-which do not amount to actual ideas, irrationalism,
here as elsewhere showing its kinship to the last dregs of the
Enlightenment, modern positivism, draws a strict line between feeling, in
the form of religion and art, and anything deserving the name of knowledge.
Although irrationalism restricts cold reason in favor of immediate
life, it turns the latter into a principle merely hostile to thought. Under
cover of this illusory enmity feeling, and finally all human expression,
indeed culture itself, is stripped of any responsibility to thought and transformed
into the neutralized element of the all-embracing rationality of an
economic system* long since grown irrational. From the first, that reason
has been unable to rely on its attractive power alone and has supplemented
it with the cult of emotions. In appealing to this cult, it rums against
its own medium, thought, which was always suspect to this self-estranged
form of reason. The tender effusions of lovers in films already function as
a blow against dispassionate theory, and that is taken further in the sentimental
argument against any thought which attacks injustice. This elevation
of feelings to an ideology does not abolish the contempt in which
they are really held. The fact that, compared to the starry heights into
which ideology transposes them, they appear all the more vulgar merely
contributes to their o tracism .. The verdict on feelings was already implicit
in the formalization of reason. Even self-preservation, as a natural drive
like other impulses,-has a bad conscience; only bustling efficiency and the
instimtions created to serve it-mediation, apparatus, organization, systematization
as ends in themselves-enjoy rhe esteem, in practice as in
theory, of being deemed reasonable; the emotions are incorporated into
this spurious reason.
,
The Enlightenment of the modern age has been marked from the
first by radicalism: This fact 'distinguishes it from all earlier stages of
demythologization. fu a rule, whenever a new religion and a new menrali
ty have won a place in world history, bringing a new mode of social existence,
the old gods have been cast into the dust together with the old classes,
tribes, and peoples. But especially when a people, such as the Jews, has
taken on a new form of social life as a result of irs own fate, its venerable
cusroms, sacred actions, and objects of wors?ip have been magically transfor ed
into abominable mis1ieeds and terrifying specters. The phobias
and Idiosyncrasies of today, the character traits which are most despised
and dcritled , can be deciphered as marks of a huge 9dvance in human
juliette or Enlightenment and Morality 73
development. From the disgust aroused by excrement and human flesh to
the contempt for fanaticism, idleness, and poverty, both spiritual and
material, a line connects behavioral forms which were once adequate and
necessary to those which are abominated. This line is at once that of
destruction and of civilization. Each step has been an advance, a stage of
enlightenment. But whereas all the earlier changes, from preanimism to
magic, from matriarchal to patriarchal culture, from the polytheism of the
slave traders to the Catholic hierarchy, replaced the older mythologies
with new albeit enlightened ones, the Great Mother with the God of
Hosts, the totem with the veneration of the Lamb, in the glare of enlightened
reason any devotion which believed itself objective, grounded in the
matter at hand, was dispelled as mythological. All preexisting ties were
tabooed by this verdict, not excluding those which were necessary to the
existence of the bourgeois order itself. The instrument by means of which
the bourgeoisie had come to power, the unfettering of forces, universal
freedom, self-determination-in short, enlightenment-turned against
the bourgeoisie as soon as that class, as a system of rule, was forced to suppress
those it ruled. By virtue of its principle, enlightenment does not stop
short at the minimum of belief without which the bourgeois world could
not ex.isr. It does not render to power the reliable services which had
always been performed for it by the old ideologies. Its antiauthoritarian
tendency, which communicates, if only subterraneously, with the utopia
contained in the concept of reason, finally made it as inimical to the established
bourgeoisie as to the aristocracy, with which, indeed, it Lost no time
in forming alliances. Ultimately, the antiauthoritarian principle necessarily
becomes its own antithesis, the agency opposed to reason: its abolition
of all absolute ties allows power to decree and manipulate any ties which
suit its purposes. After civic virtue and charity, for which it never offered
good reasons, philosophy proclaimed authority and hierarchy as virtues,
when enlightenment had long since revealed them as lies. But against such
perversion of itself enlightenment, too, had no arguments, since pristine
truth has no advantage over distortion, or rationalization over reason, unless
it can demonstrate a practical one as well. With the formalization of
reason, theory itself, if it seeks to be more than a cipher for neutral procedures,
becomes an incomprehensible concept, and thought is deemed
mean ingful only after the sacrifice of meaning. Once harnessed to the
dominant mode of production, enlightenment, which strives to under-
7 4 Excursus II
mine any order which has become repressive, nullifies itself. This is
expressed in the early attacks of the current form of enlightenment on the
"all-crushing" Kant. Just as Kant's moral philosophy set limits to his
enlightened critique in order to rescue the possibility of reason, unreflecting
enlightened thinking has always sought, for its own survival, to cancel
itself with skepticism, in order to make room for the existing order.
In contrast to such precautions, the work of Sade, like that of
Nietzsche, is an intransigent critique of practical reason, beside which
even that of Kant himself appears like a revocation of his own thought. It
pushes the scientific principle to annihilating extremes. Kant, to be sure,
had so purified the moral law within the self of any heteronymous belief
that respect, despite his assurances, could be no more than a psychological
fact of nature, as the starry sky above the self was a physical one. "A fact
of reason," he called it, 16 while Leibniz termed it "a general instinct of society.
"17 But.facts count for nothing where they do not exist. Sade does not
deny their occurrence. Justine, the virtuous sister, is a martyr to the moral
law. Juliette, however, draws the conclusion the bourgeoisie sought to
avoid: she demonizes Catholicism as the latest mythology, and with it civilization
as a whole. The energies previously focused on the sacrament are
now devoted, perversely, to sacrilege. This inversion is extended to community
in general. In all this Juliette does nor proceed fanatically, as
Catholicism had done with the Incas, but merely attends to the business
of sacrilege in the efficient, enlightened way that Catholics, too, still had
in their blood from archaic times. The primeval forms of behavior which
had been tabooed by civilization, and had grown destructive under the
stigma of bestiality, had led an underground life. Juliette revives them in
their outlawed, not their. natural form. She compensates the value judg-:
ment against them-which, like all value judgments, was unfounded-by
irs opposite. Thus, when she reenacts the primitive reactions they are no
longer primitive but bestial. In psychological terms Juliette, not unlike
Merteuil in Les Liaisons Dangereuses, 16 embodies neither unsublimated nor
regressive libido but intellectual pleasure in regression, amor intellectualis
diaboli, the joy of defeating civilization with its own weapons. She loves
systems and logic. She wields the instrumeiu of rational thought with const
nmare skill. As far as self-mastery is c ncerned, her instructions -sometir
lcs stand in the same relation to Kant's as the special application does
w thc,principle. "Virtue," writes the latter,19 "in so f r as ir is grounded on
juliette or Enlightenment and Morality 75
inner freedom, also contains an affirmative imperative for men, namely to
place all their capacities and inclinations under the power [of reason] and
therefore under the authority over oneself, which imperative is added to
the interdiction on allowing oneself to be commanded by one's feelings
and inclinations [the duty of apathy] . For unless reason takes the reins of
government into its hands, those feelings and inclinations will play the
master over men." Juliette teaches as follows on the self-discipline of the
criminal: "First, reflect on your plan for several days in advance. Consider
all its consequences, paying attention to what can be useful to you ... and
what might possibly betray you. Weigh these things just as soberly as if
you were sure to be discovered."20 The murderer's face must show utmost
calm. "Let your features show calm and indifference. Try to acquire the
greatest possible callousness in this situation .... If you are unsure of being
free of pangs of conscience-and you will gain such certainty only
through the habit of cr.ime-if you are unsure of this, I say, then you will
labor in vain to master the play of your features."21 To be free of the stab
of conscience is as essential to formalistic reason as to be free of love or
hate. Remorse posits the past-which, contrary to popular ideology, has
always meant nothing to the bourgeoisie-as something which exists; it is
a relapse, to prevent which, for bourgeois praxis, would be remorse's only
justification. Spinoza, following the Stoics, states the matter as follows:
"Repentance is not a virtue, or, in other words, it does not arise from reason,
but he who repents of an action is twice as unhappy or as weak as
before. "22 But he goes on at once, quite in the spirit of Francavilla: "If the
mob is not in fear, it threatens in its turn,"23 thus maintaining, as a good
student of Machiavelli, that modesty and remorse, like fear and hope, are
undoubtedly useful, however contrary to reason. ''Apathy (considered as a
strength) is a necessary presupposition of virtue," writes Kant,Z4 distinguishing,
nor unlike Sade, berween this "moral apathy" and insensibility
in the sense of indifference to sensory stimulation. Enthusiasm is bad.
Calm and resolution constitute the strength of virtue. "That is the state of
health in moral life, whereas the affect, even when it is excited by the idea
of the good, is a momentarily lustrous phenomenon which leaves behind
lassirude."2; Juliette's friend Clairwil makes exactly the same observation
with regard to vice.26 "My soul is hardened, and I am far from preferring
sensibility to the happy indifference I now enjoy. Oh Juliette ... perhaps
you arc deceiving yourself about the dangerous sensibility prized by so
76 Excursus II
many fools." Apathy arises at the turning points in bourgeois history, as in
the history of antiquity, when the pauci beati become aware of their powerlessness
in face of the overwhelming historical tendency. It marks the
retreat of the individual's spontaneity into the private sphere, which is thus
established as the truly bourgeois form of existence. Stoicism-which is
the bourgeois philosophy-makes it easier for the privileged to look what
threatens them in the eye by dwelling on the suffering of others. Ir affirms
the general by elevating private existence, as protection from it, to the status
of a principle. The private sphere of the bourgeois* is an upper-class
cultural asset which has come down in the world.
Juliette's credo is science. She abominates any veneration which cannor
be shown to be rational: belief in God and his dead son, obedience to
the Ten Commandments, preference of the good to the wicked, salvation
to sin. She is attracted by those reactions which have been proscribed by
the legends of civilization. She manipulates semantics and logical syntax
like the most up-to-date positivist, but unlike that employee of the latest
administration she does not direct her linguistic criticism primarily against
thought and philosophy but, as a daughter of the militant Enlightenment,
against religion. "A dead God! " she says of Christ. "Nothing is more comical
than this nonsensical combination of words from the Catholic dictionary:
God, which means eternal; death, which means not eternal. IdiO[ic
Christians, what do you intend to do with your dead God?"27 The conversion
of what is condemned without scientific proof into something to
be striven for, and of what is respected without proof into an object of
revulsion, the transvaluation of values, the "courage to do the forbid
den,"28 though without the teUtale histrionics of Nietzsche's " Wohlan! "
l Onward!] and without his biological idealism, is her specific passion. "Are
pretexts needed, to commit trimes?" asks Princess Borghese, Juliette's
friend, quite in Nietzsche's spirit. 29 Nietzsche proclaims the quintessence
of her doctrine.30 "Let the weaklings and failures go to ruin: the first principle
of our philanthropy. And we should help them on their way. What
is more damaging than any vice? The' pity of active people for the unsuccessful
and the weak-Christianity."31 The latter, "with its curious interest
in overthrowing tyrants and making them submit to principles of
brot lcrhood ... plays the game of the weak. It represents the weak, and
has to speak like them .... We may be sure that such fraternal bonds were
not only,proposed but put in place by the weak, when.priestly power had
juliette or Enlightenment and Morality 77
chanced to fall into their hands. "32 This contribution to the genealogy of
morals is made by Noirceuil, Juliette's mentor. Nietzsche maliciously celebrates
the mighty and their cruelty when it is directed "outside their circle,"
that is, against everything alien to themselves. "Once abroad in the
wilderness, they revel in the freedom from social constraint and compensate
for their long confinement in the quietude of their own community.
They revert to the innocence of wild animals: we can imagine them
returning from an orgy of murder, arson, rape, and torture, jubilant and
at peace with themselves as though they had committed a fraternity
prank-convinced, moreover, that the poets for a long time to come will
have something to sing about and praise. . .. This 'boldness' of noble
races, so headstrong, absurd, incalculable, sudden, improbable, ... their
utter indifference to safety and comfort, their terrible pleasure in destruction,
their taste for cruelty,"33 this boldness, stridently proclaimed by
Nietzsche, has also taken hold of Juliette. "Live dangerously" is her message,
too: "Dare henceforth to do anything without fear."34 There are the
strong and the weak, there are classes, races, and nations which dominate
and others which are subjected. "Where, I ask you," cries Verneuil, "is the
mortal stupid enough in face of all the evidence to claim that all men are
born equal, in law and in fact? It was left to a misanthropist like Rousseau
to put forward such a paradox, since, being extremely weak, he wanted to
pull down those to whose level he was unable to raise himself. What
effrontery did it take, I ask you, for this pygmy four feet two inches tall to
compare himself to the model of stature and strength whom nature had
endowed with rhe strength and figure of a Hercules? Is that not the same
as comparing a fly to an elephant? Strength, beauty, stature, eloquence:
those are rhe virtues which were decisive when authority passed to the
rulers at the dawn of society."35 "To expect that strength will not manifest
itself as strength," Nietzsche goes on,36 "as the desire to overcome, to appropriate,
to have enemies, obstacles, and triumphs, is every bit as absurd
as ro expect rhar weakness will manifest itself as srrength."-"How do you
really expect" says Verneuil,37 "a man endowed by nature with the highest
predisposition for crime, whether through his superior strength, the refinement
of his senses or as a result of an education fitting to his class or his
wealth-how, I ask, do you expect this individual to be judged by the
same law as those whom everything constrains to act virtuously and moderately?
Would the law be more just if it punished both in the same way?
78 Excursus II
Is it natural for someone whom everything invites to do evil to be treated
like someone whom everything impels to behave with prudence?"
Once the objective order of nature has been dismissed as prejudice
and myth, nature is no more than a mass of material. For NietzSche there
is no law "which we not only recognize but recognize over us."38 To the
extent that the understanding, which was formed against the standard of
self-preservation, recognizes any law oflife, it is that of the stronger. While
reason, because of its formalism, is unable to yield any necessary model for
humanity, it has the advantage of actuality, in contrast to mendacious ideology.
It is the weak who are guilty, according to NietzSche's doctrine,
since they use cunning to circumvent the natural law. "It is the diseased
who imperil mankind, and not the 'beasts of prey.' lt is the predestined
failures and victims who undermine the social structure, who poison our
faith in life and our fellow men. "39 They have spread throughout the world
rhe Christianity which Nietzsche hates and abominates no less than Sade.
"It is not the reprisals of the weak against the strong which truly conform
to nature. They exist in he mental realm, not the physical. To carry out
such reprisals the weak man would need strength he has not been given.
He would have to assume a character which is by no means his-in a certain
way he would do violence to nature. What is truthful in the laws of
this wise mother is that the strong are allowed to injure the weak, since, to
an in this way, they must only use the gifts they have received. The strong
individual does not, like the weak, disguise himself with a character other
t han his own .. He merely expresses in action what he has received from
nature. Everything which follows from that is therefore natural: his
oppression, his violence, his cruelties, his tyrannies, his injustices ... are
pure, like the hand which has imprinted them dn him. And if the strong
person exercises all his rights to oppress and pillage the weak, he is only
doing the most natural thing in the world .... We should never, therefore,
have scruples over what we are able to take from the weak, since it is not
we who are committing the crime. Rather, it is the defense or revenge of
the weak which are characteristic of crime."40 If a weak person defends
himself, he docs wrong, "the wrong of stepping outside his own character
oF weakness, which nature has impressed on him: She created him to be a
! lave, and poor. He refuses to su it; that is his wrong."4 1 In such magis-­
terial spt\eches Dorval, the leader of a respectable .Paris gang, expounds for
Jul il'lle t he secret creed of all ruling classes, a creed to wh_ich Nietzsche,
juliette or Enlightenment and Morality 79
proclaiming it to his own time, added the psychology of resentment. Like
Juliette he admired "the beautiful terribleness of the deed,"42 even though,
as a German professor, he differed from Sade in rejecting criminality, because
its egoism "is restricted to such base goals. If its goals are lofty
humanity has a different standard, judging 'crime,' even when committed
with the most terrible means, not to be such."43 The enlightened Juliette
is still free of such prejudice in favor of greatness, a prejudice which,
indeed, is characteristic of the bourgeois world; for her the racketeer is not
less admirable than the minister because his victims are fewer. For the
German, however, beauty is a function of size, and amid the twilight of
the idols he cannot shake off the idealistic habit of wanting to see the petty
thief hanged while imperialist raids are transfigured into world-historical
missions. By elevating the cult of strength to a world-historical doctrine,
German fascism took it to its absurd conclusion. As a protest against civilization
the master morality perversely upheld the oppressed: hatred of
srunted instincts objectively exposes the true nature of the slave masters,
which reveals itself only in their victims. But, in the guise of a great power
and a state religion, the master morality places itself entirely in the service
of the civilizing powers that be, of the solid majority, of resentment and
everything it once opposed. The realization of Nietzsche's doctrines both
refutes them and reveals their truth-a truth which, despite his yea-saying
affirmation of life, was hostile to the spirit of reality.
If remorse was contrary to reason, pity was outright sin. Anyone who
yields to it "perverts the general law; whence it follows that pity, far from
being a virtue, becomes truly a vice as soon as it induces us to interfere
with the inequality required by the laws of nature."44 Sade and Nietzsche
realized that once reason had been formalized pity was left behind as a
kind of sensuous awareness of the identity of general and particular, as
naruralized mediation. It then forms a highly compelling prejudice: "compassion
... does not appertain to the use of reason ... although it seems
to bear in it a sort of piety,'' writes Spinoza,45 and "he who is moved neither
by reason nor pity to help others is rightly called inhuman."46
Commiseratio is humanity in its immediate form, but at the same time
"bad and useless,"47 since it is the opposite of the manly competence
which, from Roman virtus through the Medici to efficiency under the
Fords, has always been the true bourgeois vinue. Womanish and childish,
Clairwil calls pity, vaunting her own "stoicism," the "tranquility of the pas-
8o Excursus II
sions" which enables her "to accomplish and endure everything without
agitation."48 "Pity is anything but a virtue. It is a weakness, born of fear
and misfortune, a weakness that must be overcome most of all if one is
striving to conquer excessive nervous sensibility, which is irreconcilable
with the maxims of philosophy. "49 Women are the source of "outbursts of
unrestrained compassion."50 Sade and Nietzsche knew that their doctrine
of the sinfulness of pity was an old bourgeois heritage. The latter speaks
of "strong times" and "aristocratic cultures," while the former refers to
Aristotle51 and the Peripatetics.52 Pity could not withstand the scrutiny of
philosophy. Nor did Kant make an exception. Pity was, he said, "a certain
soft-heartedness" and lacked "the dignity of virtue. "53 He failed to notice,
however, that the principle of "general benevolence toward the human
race,"54 by which, in contrast to Clairwil's rationalism, he sought to replace
pity, falls under the same curse of irrationality as "this well-meaning passion"
which can easily seduce a person into becoming "a tender-hearted
idler." Enlightenment cannot be duped; for it the general has no advantage
over the particular fact, or an all-embracing love over a limited one.
Pity stands in disrepute. Like Sade, Nietzsche cites the Ars poetica in passing
judgment. "According to Aristotle, the Greeks often suffered an excess
of pity: hence its necessary discharge through tragedy. We can see how suspect
this inclination appeared to them. It endangers the state, takes away
the n cessary hardness and discipline, makes heroes howl like women."55
Zarathustra preaches: "I see as much weakness as goodness. As much
weakness as justice and pity."56 Pity has, in fact, a moment which conflicts
with justice, although Nierzsche lumps the two together. It confirms the
rule of inhumanity by the exception it makes. By limiting the abolition of
injustice to fortuitous love of one's neighbor, pity accepts as unalterable the
law of universal estrangement which it would like to alleviate. It is true
that the person who shows pity upholds as an individual the claim of the
general, that is, the claim to life, against the general in the form of nature
and society, which deny it. But the unity with the general as something
inward, practiced by such an individ , is shown to be deceptive by his
own weakness. It is not the softness but the restrictive nature of pity which
makes it questionable..,-it is always too little. Just as the Stoic indifference
on which bourgeois coldness, "'the counterpart of pity, has modeled itself
was rbore loyal, however wretchedly, to the universal it had rejected than
the comp 1ssionatc baseness which adapted itself to the world, so it was
juliette or Enlightenment and Morality 81
those who unmasked piry who, however negatively, espoused the Revolution.
The narcissistic deformations of piry, like the effusions of philanthropists
and the moral complacency of the social welfare worker, are still
an internalized endorsement of the difference between rich and poor. Admittedly,
by imprudently confessing the joys of hardness, philosophy has
put itself at the disposal of those who least forgive it the admission. The
fascist masters* of the world translated the vilification of pity into that of
political respect and the appeal to martial law, in which they were at one
with Schopenhauer, the metaphysician of pity. For him the establishment
of a humane order was the presumptuous delusion of someone who could
hope only for misforrune. The enemies of piry were unwilling to equate
humanity with misforrune. For them, the existence of misfortune was a
scandal. With their impotent delicacy, they could not bear m see humanity
pitied. In desperation their powerlessness switched to the glorification
of power, while disowning it in practice whenever it gave them leave.
Kindness and good deeds become a sin, domination and suppression
virtue. "All good things have at one time been considered evil; every original
sin has, at some point, turned into an original virtue."57 In the new
epoch Juliette applies this principle in earnest, for the first time consciously
performing the transvaluation of all values. After the destruction
of all ideologies she elevates as her own moraliry what Christianity, in its
ideology if not always in its practice, held to be abominable. As a good
philosopher she remains cool and reflective. All is done without illusions.
To Clairwil's proposal for a sacrilegious act she responds: "Now that we do
not believe in God, my dear, ... the desecrations you desire. are no more
than useless childish games .... I may be still firmer in my disbelief than
you; my atheism is unshakable. So do not imagine that I need the childish
pranks you propose to confirm it. I shall take part because it amuses
you, but only for entertainment"-the American murderess Annie Henry*
would have said "just for fun"-"and never as something necessary,
either to strengthen my way of thinking, or to convince others of it."58
Though swayed by momentary kindness toward her accomplice, she still
upholds her principles. Even injustice, hatred, and destruction become
merely operations, now that the formalization of reason has stripped all
goals of the character of necessity and objectivity, which is dismissed as
illusion. Magic passes into mere activity, into the means-in short, into
industry. The formalization of reason is merely the intellectual expression
82 Excursus II
of mechanized production. The means is fetishized: it absorbs pleasure.
Just as the goals with which the old system of rule had veiled itself are rendered
illusory by enlightenment in theory, the possibility of abundance
removes their justification in practice. Domination survives as an end in
itself, in the form of economic power. Pleasure itself shows traces of the
outdated, the irrelevant, like the metaphysics which forbade it. Juliette
speaks of the motives of crime. 59 She herself is no less ambitious and avaricious
than her friend Sbrigani, but she idolizes the forbidden. Sbrigani, a
man devoted to the means and to duty, is more advanced. "To enrich ourselves-that
is what matters. It would be the height of guilt if we failed to
reach that goal. Only if one is truly on the way to becoming wealthy is one
permitted to reap one's pleasures: until then one must forget them." For
all her rational superiority, Juliette still clings to one superstition. While
she recognizes the naivety of sacrilege, in the end it still gives her pleasure.
But every pleasure betrays idolization: it is self-abandonment to an Other.
Nature actually does not know pleasure: it does not go beyond the satisfaction
of needs. All pleasure is social, in the unsublimated aff ects no less
than in the sublimated. It springs from alienation. Even when enjoyment
is ignorant of the prohibition it nfringes, it owes its origin to civilization,
to the fixed order from which it yearns to return to the very nature from
which that order protects it. Only when dream absolves them of the compulsion
of work, of the individual's attachment to a particular social function
and finally to a self, leading back to a primal stare free of domination
and discipline, do human beings feel the magic of pleasure. It w:as the
homesickness of those enmeshed in civilization, the "objective desp;ur" of
those who had to turn themselves into elep1ents of the social order, which
nourished the love of gods and demons; to them as transfigured nature this
love turned in adoration. Thought arose in the course of liberation from
terrible nature, which is finally subjugated utterly. Pleasure, so to speak, is
nature's revenge. In it human beings divest themselves'of thought, escape
from civilization. In earlier societies such homecoming was provided by
communal festivals. Primitive orgies are the collective origin of pleasure.
"The interlude of universal confusion represented by the festival," writes
Roger Caillois, "seems truly like the moment when the world's order is suspended.
All excesses are pt!rmihed. RUles must be broken, everything
mtlst be turned upside down. In the mythic epoch the course of time was
reverse {: one was born aged, died as a child .... All he precepts protect-
juliette or Enlightenment and Morality 83
ing the good, natural, and social order are systematically violared."60 One
abandons oneself to the transfigured powers of origin; bur from the standpoint
of the suspended interdiction these actions appear as dissipated and
insane.61 Only with increasing civilization and enlightenment do the
strengthened self and the secure system of power reduce the festival to
farce. The rulers introduce pleasure as a rational measure, a tribute paid to
imperfectly subdued nature; they seek at once to detoxify it and to preserve
it in higher culture; to administer it to their subjects in controlled
doses where it cannot be entirely withdrawn. Pleasure becomes an object
of manipulation, until it finally perishes in the administrative arrangemems.
This development extends from the primitive feast to the holiday.
"The more dominant the complex social organism becomes, the less it tolerates
interruptions of the ordinary course of life. Today as yesterday,
tomorrow as today, everything must follow the same course. The general
overflowing is no longer possible. The period of turbulence has been individualized.
Holidays have supplanted the feasr."62 In fascism they are supplemented
by the collective fake intoxication, concocted from radio, headlines,
and Benzedrine.* Sbrigani has a presentiment of chis. He grants
himself amusements "on the road to fortune," as vacations. Juliette, by
contrast, still emulates the ancien regime. She deifies sin. Her libertinism
is in thrall to Catholicism as the nun's ecstasy is to paganism.
Nietzsche is aware of the still mythical nature of pleasure. In its
abandonment to nature pleasure renounces the possible, just as pity
renounces the transformation of the whole. Both contain a moment of resignation.
Nietzsche tracks down pleasure in all irs hiding places, as narcissism
in solitude, as masochistic enjoyment in the depressions of the selftormentor.
"Against all who merely enjoy!"63 Julie re tries to rescue pleasure
by rejecting love in irs bourgeois form as devotion, which, as resistance
to the bourgeoisie's own shrewdness, is characteristic of that class in
its last century. In love, pleasure was linked to the deification of the person
who bestowed it and was the truly human passion. It is being finally
revoked as a value judgment conditioned by sexuality. In the enraptured
adoration of the lover, as in the boundless admiration shown in return by
the beloved, the actual servitude of the woman was endlessly transfigured.
Again and again, the sexes were reconciled on the basis of their recognition
of this servitude: the woman seemed freely to accept her defeat, the
man to grant her victory. Under Christianity the hierarchy of the sexes, the
84 Excursus II
yoke placed on the feminine character by the masculine order of property,
was idealized as the union of hearts in marriage, and the memory of sexuality's
better, prepatriarchal past appeased. Under big industry* love is
annulled. The decline of middle-class property, the downfall of the free
economic subject, affects the family: it is no longer the celebrated cell of
society it once was, since it no longer forms the basis of the citizen's economic
existence. For adolescents the family no longer marks out the horizon
of their lives; the autonomy of the father is vanishing and with it resistance
to his authority. Earlier, the girl's servitude in the paternal home
inflamed in her the passion which seemed to lead to freedom but was fulfilled
neither in marriage nor anywhere outside. As the prospect of a job
opens for the girl, that of love is closed. The more universally the system
of modern industry* requires everyone ro enter its service, the more all
those who do not form part of the ocean of "white trash,"* which is
absorbing the unqualified employed and unemployed, are turned into
petty experts, into employees who must fend for themselves. In the form
of skilled work the autonomy of the entrepreneur, which is over, is spreading
to all those admitted as producers, including the "working" woman,
and is becoming their character. Their self-respect grows in proportion to
their fungibility. Defiance of the family is no more an act of daring than
the leisure-time relationship with the boyfriend is the gateway to heaven.
People are taking on the rational, calculating attitude to their own sexuality
long since proclaimed as ancient wisdom by Juliette's enlightened «:ircle.
Mind and body are being separated in reality, just as those in iscreet
bourgeois libertines demanded: "It appears to me," Noirceuil states rationalistically,64
"that love and pleasure are two very different things ...
because tender feelings correspond to rdationships of caprice and decorum,
but in no way spring from the beauty of a neck or the pretty curve
of a hip. And these objects, which, in accordance with our taste, can keenly
excite our physical aff ects, have, it seems to me, no rights over our mental
affections. To complete my thought, Belize is ugly, is forty years old,
entirely lacks grace of person, is without regular fearures or any physical
charm. But Belize has intelligence, a precious character, a million things
which attach my feelings and preferences. ! .shall never wish to sleep with
Belize, but .I shall love her to rhe point -of madness, whereas I shall lust
"'
aftl\r Araminthe bur heartily detest her soon as the fever of desire is
pasl." Here, the inevitable consequence implicit in the Cartesian division
juliette or Enlightenment and Morality 8 5
of the human being into thinking and extensive substance is expressed
with total clarity as the destruction of Romantic love. The latter is taken
to be a mask, a rationalization of the physical drive, "a false and always
dangerous metaphysics,"65 as Count Belmar explains in his great speech
on love. For all their libertinism, Juliette's friends conceive of sexuality, as
against tenderness, of earthly as against heavenly love, not just as a degree
too powerful but also as oversimplified. The beauty of a neck or the curve
of a hip acts on sexuality not as unhistorical, merely natural facts but as
images in which the whole of social experience is contained; this experience
harbors an intention toward something different to nature, a love not
restricted to sexuality. But even the most incorporeal tenderness is transformed
sexuality; the hand stroking the hair, the kiss on the brow, which
express the rapture of spiritual love, are in pacified form the beating and
biting which accompany the sexual act among Australian aborigines. The
distinction is abstract. Metaphysics, Belmar teaches, falsifies the factual
situation, it prevents the beloved from being seen as he or she is; it stems
from magic, it is a veil. "And I am not to snatch it from our eyes? That
would be weakness ... cowardice. Let us analyze her when the pleasure is
over, this goddess who has just blinded me."66 Love itself is an unscientific
concept: "False definitions are always leading us astray," Dolmance
declares in the memorable fifth dialogue of La Philosophie dans le Boudoir,
"I don't know what it is-the heart. I simply use that term for weakness
of mind."67 "If we spend one moment in what Lucretius calls the 'background
of life,"'-meaning, in cold analysis-"we find that neither the
elevation of the beloved nor romantic feeling withstands analysis .... It is
the body alone that I love, and it is the body alone that I lament, although
I can have it again at any time."68 What is true in all this is the insight into
the dissociation of love, the work of progress. This dissociation, which
mechanizes pleasure and distorts longing into a deception, attacks lov at
its core. By turning her praise of genital and perverted sexuality into condemnation
of what is unnatural, immaterial, illusory, the libertine Juliette
has thrown in her lot with the normality which belittles and restricts not
only the utopian exaltation of love but physical pleasure, not only the loftiest
joy bur that which is nearest at hand. The cynical roue whose side she
takes has metamorphosed, with the help of the sex educator, the psychoanalyst,
and the hormone physiologist, into the open-minded practical
man who extends his affirmation of sport and hygiene to include the sex
86 Excursus II
life. Juliette's critique contains the same inner discord as the Enlightenment
itself. In so far as the criminal violation of taboos, which once made
common cause with the bourgeois revolution, has not been simply
absorbed into the new matter-of-factness, it lives on, with sublime love, as
fidelity to the utopia brought near by the availability of physical pleasure
to all.
"The ridiculous enthusiasm" which attached us to a particular individual
as the only one, the elevation of woman in love, can be traced back
beyond Christianity to matriarchal stages. "It is certain that our spirit of
chivalrous courtship, which comically offers our homage to an object
made only to satisfy our need-it is certain, I say, that this spirit stems
from the reverence our ancestors once had for women because of their profession
as prophetesses in town and country. Through terror, aversion
became worship, and chivalry was nurtured in the womb of superstition.
But this reverence never existed in nature, and it would be a waste of time
to seek it there. The inferiority of that sex to ours is too well founded ever
to give us a sound motive to respect it, and the love which arises from that
blind reverence is, like it, a prejudice."69 It is on power, however legalistically
veiled, that the social hierarchy ultimately rests. The mastery of
nature is reproduced within humanity. Christian civilization, which used
the idea of protecting the physically weak to justify exploitation o( the
strong bondsman, never entirely won the hearts of the convened peoples.
The principle of love was too strongly disavowed by the sharp intellect and
the still sharper weapons of the Christian masters, until Lutheranism abolished
the antithesis between state and doctrine by making the sword and
rod the Gospel's quintessence. It directly equated spiritual freedom with
the affirmation of actual oppression. But woman bears the stigma of weakness;
her weakness places her in a minority even when she is numerically
superior to men. As with the subjugated original inhabitants in early forms
of state, the indigenous population of colonies, who lack the organization
and weapons of their conqueror , as with the Jews among Aryans, her
defenselessness legitimizes her oppression. Sade expresses as formulae the
reflections of Strindberg. "Let us not doubt that there is a difference
between tnan and woman no less certai_!,l and important than that between

1an and the apes of the forest. We would have just as good reason to deny
woman membership of our species as to refuse ro acknowledge brotherhoml
with rhc apes. Examine carefully a naked WQman beside a man of
juliette or Enlightenment and Morality 87
the same age, naked like her, and you will be readily convinced of the considerable
difference (disregarding the sex) which exists between the two
creatures and will clearly see that the woman is merely a lower degree of
the man. The differences likewise exist within, and anatomical dissection
of one and the other, if done with painstaking care, will bring this truth to
light."7° Christianity's attempt to compensate the suppression of sexuality
ideologically by the veneration of woman, and thus to sublimate the memory
of the archaic instead of merely repressing it, is annulled by its rancor
against the woman thus elevated and against theoretically emancipated
pleasure. The affect which corresponds to the practice of oppression is
contempt, not veneration, and lurking behind the love of one's neighbor
throughout the Christian centuries has been the forbidden, compulsive
hatred of the object which continually brought to mind the futility of that
exertion: woman. Women paid for the cult of the Madonna with the
obsessive belief in witches, the revenge taken on the memory of the preChristian
prophetess who secretly called into question the sanctified patriarchal
system of power. The woman excites the savage rage of the half-converted
man who is required to honor her, just as the weak in general can
count on the mortal enmity of the superficially civilized strong who are
supposed to spare them. Sade brings this hatred to consciousness. "I have
never believed," says Count Ghigi, the Roman chief of police, "that the
union of two bodies could ever give rise to the union of two hearts. I see
in this physical union strong reasons for contempt ... , for revulsion, but
not a single one for love."71 And when a girl terrorized by Saint-Fonds, the
royal minister, bursts into tears, he exclaims: "That is how I like women .
. . . Why cannot I reduce them all to such a state with a single word?"72
Man as ruler refuses to do woman the honor of individualizing her.
Socially, the individual woman is an example of the species, a representative
of her sex, and thus, wholly encompassed by male logic, she stands for
nature, the substrate of never-ending subsumption on the plane of ideas
and of never-ending subjection on that of reality. Woman as an allegedly
natural being is a product of history, which denatures her. But the desperate,
destructive urge directed against everything which embodies the
lure of nature, everything which is physiologically, biologically, nationally,
or socially inferior, indicates that Christianity's attempt has failed. "Que ne
puis-je, d'un mot, les riduire toutes en cet ltat!" To eradicate utterly the
hated but overwhelming temptation to lapse back into nature-that is the
cnu:lty which stems from 1:1ilcd civil iz:nion; it is barbarism, the other siJc
of culture. "Them all!" For destruction rolcrates no exceptions; rhc will to
destroy is rotalitarian, and totalitarianism springs from that will alone. "I
have reached the point," Juliette tells the Pope, "where I can say with
Tiberi us: if only the whole of mankind had only one head, so that I could
have the pleasure of cutting it off with a single blow!"73 The signs of powerlessness,
hasty uncoordinated movements, animal fear, swarming masses,
provoke the lust for murder. The explanation for the hatred of woman
as the weaker in mental and physical power, who bears the mark of domination
on her brow, is the same as for the hatred of the Jews. Women and
Jews show visible evidence of not having ruled for thousands of years.
They live, although they could be eliminated, and their fear and weakness,
the greater affinity to nature produced in them by perennial oppression, is
the element in which they live. In the strong, who pay for their strength
with their strained remoteness from nature and must forever forbid themselves
fear, this incites blind fury. They identify themselves with nature by
calling forth from their victims, multiplied a thousandfold, the cry they
may not utter themselves. "These senseless creatures!" writes President
Blammont of women in Aline et valcour, "How I love to see them Struggling
in my hands! They are like lambs in the jaws of the lion."74 And in
the same letter: "It is the same as conquering a city. You must occupy the
heights . . . establish yourself at all the commanding points and the'n
launch your attack without any fear of resistance. "75 A creature which has
fallen attracts predators: humiliation of those already visited by misfortune
brings the keenest pleasure. The less the danger to the one on tbp, the
more unhampered the joy in the torments he can now inflict: only through
the hopeless despair of the victim can power become pleasure and triumphantly
revoke its own principle, discipline. Fear averted from the self
bursts out in hearty laughter, the expression of a hardening within the
individual which can only be fully lived out through the collective.
Ringing laughter has always denounced civilization. "Of all the lava
spewed forth from the crater of the human mouth, the most calamitous is
merriment," writes Victor Hugo in the chapter he ged "Storms of men are
worse than storms of oceans."76 "It is on misfortune," Juliette teaches/7
"that t.he full weight of our malice most fall. The tears wrung from
wretchedness have a keeillless• which profoundly thrills our nervo_us sub­
ance."76 Rather than with tenderness, pleasure makes its pact with cru-
/ullr'f/r' or Fn/igf,tr·nmtllf illlfl /1 /oJ;t/itv H•J
dry, a nd sexual love hccomc what accordi ng to Nietzsche:'' it always was:
"in its means, war; and at i ts basis the morral barred of the sexes." " With
both rhe male and the female," zoology teaches us, "'love' , or sexual attraction,
is originally and preeminently 'sadie'; it is positively gratified by the
infliction of pain; it is as cruel as hunger. "80 Thus, as its final result, civilization
leads back to the terrors of nature. The lethal love on which Sade's
work is constantly focused, Nietzsche's impudently solicitous magnanimity
in seeking to spare the victim humiliation at any price: cruelty and the
idea of greatness deal no less harshly with human beings on the plane of
play and imagination than German fascism* was to do on that of reality.
However, whereas the unconscious colossus of real existence, subjectless
capitalism, inflicts its destruction blindly, the deludedly rebellious subject
is willing to see that destruction as its fulfillment, and, together with the
biting cold it emits toward human beings misused as things, it also radiates
the perverted love which, in the world of things, takes the place of
love in its immediacy. Sickness becomes the symptom of recovery. In
transfiguring the victims, delusion accepts their degradation. It makes
itself resemble the monster of domination which it cannot physically overcome.
Imagination seeks as horror to withstand horror. The Roman
proverb that harshness is true pleasure expresses not merely the brutality
of slave drivers but the indissoluble contradiction of order, which, when it
sanctions happiness, turns it into self-parody and creates it only through
proscribing it. While they perpetuated this contradiction, Sade and
Nietzsche also contributed to its clarification.
To reason, devotion to the adored creature appears as idol worship.
The demise of idolatry follows necessarily from the ban on mythology
pronounced by Jewish monotheism and enforced against the changing
objects of adoration in the history of thought by that monotheism's secularized
form, enlightenment. The decay of economic reality, which has
always been at the basis of superstition, released specific forces of negation.
Christianity, however, propagated love: the pure adoration of Jesus. It
sought to elevate the blind sexual drive by the hallowing of marriage, as it
also tried to bring the crystalline radiance of law closer to earthly life by
the idea of heavenly grace. The reconciliation of civilization with nature
which it sought prematurely to purchase with the doctrine of the crucified
God remained as alien to Judaism as to the rigorism of the Enlightenment.
Neither Moses nor Kant proclaimed emotion; their icy law knew neither
90 Excursus II
love nor sacrificial pyres. Nietzsche's attack on monotheism dealt a heavier
blow to Christian than to Jewish doctrine. While he repudiated the
Law he pledged himself to the "higher self,"81 a self no longer natural but
more-than-natural. He wanted to replace God by the "Overman" because
monotheism, in its broken, Christian form, had transparently become
mythology. Bur just as, in the service of this higher self, the old ascetic
ideals are extolled by Nietzsche as self-overcoming in the interest of developing
"dominant power,"82 so the higher self turns out to be a desperate
attempt to rescue the God who was dead. In this, Nietzsche renews Kant's
endeavor to transform the divine law into an autonomous principle, to
rescue European civilization from giving up the ghost in English skepticism.
Kant's principle: "that everything be done from the maxim of one's
will as a will that could at the same time have as its object itself as giving
universal law,"83 is also the secret of the Overman. His will is no less
desporic than the categorical imperative. Both principles aim at independence
from external powers, at the unconditional freedom from tutelage
which defines the essence of enlightenment. However, as the fear of falsehood,
a fear which even in his most "enlightened" moments Nietzsche
decried as "a piece of Quixotism,"84 replaced the Law with self-legislation,
so that everything was made transparent as one great unmasked superstition,
enlightenment itself, indeed, truth in any form, became an idol, and
we realize that "even we knowing ones of today, the godless and antimetaphysical,
still take our fire from the conflagration kindled by a belief millennia
old, the Christian belief, which was also the belief of Plato, that
God is truth, that the truth is divine. "85 ,Science itself, therefore, is open to
the same criticism as metaphysics. The denial of God contains an irresolvable
contradiction; it negates knowledge itself. Sade did not drive the
idea of enlightenment to this point, where it turns against itself. The
reflection of science on itself, the work of the Enlightenment's conscience,
was left to philosophy, meaning German philosophy. For Sade, enlightenment
was not so much an intellectual as a social phenomenon. He carried
forward the dissolution of bonds-which Nietzsche idealistically believed
could be overcome by the higher self-and the critique of solidarity with
society, office, familyB6 to the point of prodaiming anarchy. His work lays
bare the mythological nature. of the principles on which civilization-was
base\! after the demise of religion: those of the Decalogue, of paternal
authority, of property. It is the exact inversion of the ocial theory elabo-
juliette or Enlightenment and Morality 91
rated by Le Play a hundred years later.87 Each of the Ten Commandments
is declared void before the tribunal of formal reason. They are revealed
without exception as ideologies. At Juliette's request the Pope himself
pleads the case for murder.88 He finds it easier to rationalize un-Christian
acts in the light of natural reason than it had ever been to justify the
Christian principles according to which those acts were devilish. The
"mitered philosopher" has less need of sophistry in advocating murder
than Maimonides and St Thomas Aquinas in condemning it. Roman reason
is even more inclined than the god of the Prussians to side with the
bigger banalions. The Law, however, has been dethroned, and the love
which was supposed to humanize it is unmasked as a reversion to idolatry.
It is not just romantic sexual love which has been condemned as metaphysics
by science and industry but love of any kind, for no love can withstand
reason: neither that between wife and husband nor between lover
and beloved, nor the love between parents and children. The Due de
Blangis announces to his subjects that those related to the rulers, daughters
and wives, should be treated as harshly, indeed, still more harshly, than
others, "in order to show you how deeply we despise the bonds by which
you may think us fettered."89 Woman's love is abolished like that of man.
The rules of libertinage passed on by Saint-Fonds to Juliette are to apply
to all women.90 Dolmance voices the materialistic disenchantment of
parental love. "These latter ties originate in the parents' fear of being abandoned
in old age, and the self-interested concern they show for us in our
childhood is intended to earn them the same consideration in old age."91
Sade's argument is as old as the bourgeoisie. Democritus already
denounced parental love as economic. 92 Sade, however, applies the same
disenchantment even to exogamy, the foundation of civilization.
According to him, there are no rational grounds to oppose incest,93 and
the hygienic argument formerly used has now been invalidated by advanced
science, which ratifies Sade's cold judgment. "It has by no means
been proved that children born of incest have a greater tendency than others
to suffer from cretinism, deaf-muteness, rickets, etc."94 The family,
held together not by romantic sexual love but by maternal love, which
forms the basis of all tenderness and social feelings,95 conflicts with sociery
itself. "Do not imagine you will make good republicans as long as you
isolate children, who should belong only to the whole communiry, within
your families .... Whereas there are great disadvantages in allowing chi!-
92 Excursus II
dren to be absorbed into family interests which often diverge strongly
from those of the nation, very great benefits lie in separating them from
them."96 "Conjugal ties" must be destroyed for social reasons; children are
to be "absolutely forbidden" knowledge of their fathers, since they are
"uniquement les enfonts de La patrie";97 the anarchy and individualism
which Sade proclaimed in the struggle against laws98 culminate in the
absolute rule of the generality, the republic. Just as the deposed god returns
as a more repressive idol, the old, undemanding bourgeois state reappears
in the violence of the fascist collective. Sade thought through to the end
the state socialism whose first steps brought the downfall of Saint-Just and
Robespierre. If the bourgeoisie sent them, its most loyal politicians, to the
guillotine, it banished its most outspoken writer to the hell of the Bibliotheque
Nationale. For the chronique scandaleuse of Justine and Juliette
which, turned out as if on a production line, prefigured in the style of the
eighteenth century the sensational literature of the nineteenth and the
mass literature of the twentieth is the Homeric epic after it has discarded
its last mythological veil: the srory of thought as an instrument of power.
In raking fright at the image in its own mirror, that thought opens to view
what lies beyond it. It is not the harmonious social ideal, which even Sade
glimpsed dimly in the future: "gardez vos frontieres et restez chez vous";99 it
is not even the socialist utopia developed in the story of Zame: 100 it is the
fact that Sade did not leave it to its enemies to be horrified by the
Enlightenment which makes his work pivotal to its rescue.
The dark writers of the bourgeoisie, unlike its apologists, did not
seck to avert the consequences of the Enlightenment with harmonistic
doctrines. They did not pretend that fo'rmalistic reason had a closer affinity
to morality than to immorality. While the light-bringing writers protected
the indissoluble alliance of reason and atrocity, bourgeois society
and power, by denying that alliance, the bearers of darker messages pitilessly
expressed the shocking truth. "Into hands stained by the murder of
spouses and children, sodomy, kil!ing, prostitution, and infamy, heaven
has placed these riches to reward me for such abominations," says Clairwil
in her summary of her brother's life}01 She exaggerates. The justice of bad
domination is not quite so consistent as
1
to reward only infamy. But only
exaggeration is true. The e ential character of prehistory* is the appearanbc
of utmost horror in the individual detail. A statistical compilation of
t hose slaughtered in a pogrom, which also includes mercy killings, con-

juliette or Enlightenment and Morality 93
ceals its essence, which emerges only in an exact description of the exception,
the most hideous torture. A happy life in a world of horror is ignominiously
refuted by the mere existence of that world. The latter therefore
becomes the essence, the former negligible. No doubt, the ruling group in
the bourgeois era did not engage in killing their own children and spouses,
or in prostitution and sodomy, as frequently as their subjects, who took
over rhe morals of rhe rulers of earlier rimes. However, when power was at
stake, the rulers have piled up mountains of corpses even in recent centuries.
Compared to the mentality and actions of the rulers under fascism,
in which power has come fully into its own, the enthusiastic description
of the life of Brisa-Testa-although those rulers are recognizable in itpales
to harmless banality. In Sade as in Mandeville, private vices are the
anticipatory historiography of public virtues in the totalitarian era. It is
because they did not hush up the impossibility of deriving from reason a
fundamental argument against murder, but proclaimed it from the
rooftops, that Sade and Nietzsche are still vilified, above all by progressive
thinkers. In a different way to logical positivism, they both took science at
irs word. In pursuing the implications of reason still more resolutely than
the positivists their secret purpose was to lay bare the utopia which is contained
in every great philosophy, as it is in Kant's concept of reason: the
utopia of a humanity which, itself no longer distorted, no longer needs
distortion. In proclaiming the identity of power and reason, their pitiless
doctrines are more compassionate than those of the moral lackeys of the
bourgeoisie. "Where are thy greatest dangers?," Nietzsche once asked,102
"In pity." With his denial he redeemed the unwavering trust in humanity
which day by day is betrayed by consoling affirmation.
The Culture Industry:
Enlightenment as Mass Deception
The sociological view that the loss of support from objective religion
and the disimegration of the last precapitalist residues, in conjunction
with technical and social differentiation and specialization, have given rise
to cultural chaos is refuted by daily experience. QNU:e ted&; is L&Wig
:: ::=::sr: :: - Evon tho aO<thocio mmifostarions of poli; : opposit.es pmclaim th<
e inflexible rhythm. The* decorative administrative and exhibition
buildings of industry differ little between authoritarian and other countries.
The bright monumental structures shooting up on all sides show off
the systematic ingenuity of the state-spanning combines, toward which
the unfettered entrepreneurial system, whose monuments are the dismal
residential and commercial blocks in the surrounding areas of desolate
cities, was already swiftly advancing. The older buildings around the concrete
centers already look like slums, and the new bungalows on the outskirts,
like the flimsy structures at international trade fairs, sing the praises
of technical progress while inviting their users to throw them away after
short use like tin cans. But the town-planning projects, which are supposed
to perpetuate individuals as autonomous units in hygienic small
apartments, subjugate them only more completely to their adversary, the
total power of capital.* Just as . rl e occupants of city centers are uniformly
summoned rh rc for purposes of work and leisure, as producers and con-

Enlightenment as Mass Deception 95
sumers, so the living cells crystallize into homogenous, well-organized
complexes. The conspicuous unity of macrocosm and microcosm confronts
human beings with a model of their culture: the false identity of
universal and particular. ass c ture-undermon.o 'and
the contours of its skeleton, the conceptual armature fabricated by monopoly,
are beginning to stand out. Those in charge no longer take much trouble
to conceal the structure, the power of which increases the more bluntly
its existence is admitted. Films and radio no longer need to present
themselves as an. :he..rru at they are no 10
i alog · t egrtrrnize the rras -ey 1m . They call themselves
industries, and the published figures for their directors' incomes quell
any doubts about the social necessity of their finished products.
Interested parties like to explain the culture industry in technological
terms. Its millions of participants, they argue, demand reproduction
processes which inevitably lead to the use of standard products to meet the
same needs at countless locations. The technical antithesis between few
production centers and widely dispersed reception necessitates organization
and planning by those in control. The standardized forms, it is
claimed, were originally derived from the needs of tht.; consumers: that is
why they are accepted with so little resistance. ln""m!flli !Yrel' mtxW!mfi'
ulatien':lnd retroactive need .Is urii -rng e y: 'gnt:l . \'<That
is not mentioned is that the basis on which technology is gaining power
over society
tri(l:ai:"Jm:tiron:alit}l;racia¥=is::rllleo:r:a;m Q,ir rfirln:mi
is the power of those whose economic position in society is
nati . I-t
iena - i elf Automobiles,
bombs, and films hold the totality together until their leveling element
demonstrates its power against the very system of injustice it served. For
the present the technology of the culture industry confines itself to standardization
and mass production and sacrifices what once distinguished
the logic of the work from that of society. These adverse effects, however,
should not be attributed to the internal laws of technology itself but to its
function within the economy today.* Any need which might escape the
central control is repressed by thar of individual consciousness. The step
from telephone to radio has clearly distinguished the roles. The former liberally
permitted the panicipant to play the role of subject. The latter
democratically makes everyone equally into listeners, in order to expose
rhem in authoritarian fashion to the same programs put out by different
96 The Culture Industry
stations. No mechanism of reply has been developed, and private transmissions
are condemned to unfreedom. They confine themselves to the
apocryphal sphere of "amateurs," who, in any case, are organized from
above. Any trace of spontaneity in the audience of the official radio is
steered and absorbed into a selection of specializations by talent-spotters,
performance competitions, and sponsored events of every kind. The talents
belong to the operation long before they are put on show; otherwise
they would not conform so eagerly. The mentality of the public, which
allegedly and actually favors the system of the culture industry, is a pan of
the system, not an excuse for it. If a branch of an follows the same recipe
as one far removed from it in terms of its medium and subject matter; if
the dramatic denouement in radio "soap operas"* is used as an instructive
example of how to solve technical difficulties-which are mastered no less
in "jam sessions" than at the highest levels of jazz-or if a movement from
Beethoven is loosely "adapted" in the same way as a Tolstoy novel is adapted
for ftlm, the pretext of meeting the public's spontaneous wishes is mere
hot air. An explanation in terms of the specific interests of the technical
apparatus and irs personnel would be closer to the truth, provided that
apparatus were understood in all irs details as a pan of the economic
mechanism of selection.* Added to this is the agreement, or at least the
common determination, of the executive powers to produce or let pass
nothing which does not conform to their tables, 1
MW 1b
e

If the objective social tendency of this age is incarnated in the obscure
subjective intentions of
ch,... ;w .. ••r-r
nt.
They have to keep in with i:he true wielders of power, to ensure that their
sphere of mass society, the specific product of which still has too much of
cozy liberalism and Jewish intellectualism about it, is not subjected to a
series of purges.* The dependence of the most powerful broadcasting
company on the electrical indusdy, or of film on the banks, characterizes
the whole sphere, the individual sectors of which are themselves economically
intertwined. Everything is so tightly clustered that the concentration
of imelle t reaches a level where. it overflows the demarcations between
'\
con\pany names and technical sectors. The· relentless unity of the culture
i ndustry bears wirness to the emergent unity of politics. Sharp distinctions
' .
Enlightenment as Mass Deception 97
like those between A and B films, or between short stories published in
magazines in different price segments, do not so much reflect real differences
as assist in the classification, organization, and identification of conrce:ra:JJ;;ha:J.ID:netro:dulm mdl::piW

ca e; dif-
:ted. The hierarchy of serial
qualities purveyed to the public serves only to quantifY it more completely.
Everyone is supposed to behave spontaneously according to a "level"
determined by indices and to select the category of mass product manufactured
for their type. On the charts of research organizations, indistinguishable
from those of political propaganda, CO£lSWB(}£S -ei:<iivi'rl El. up<>as
ffiri'il!mtd=Ta een i1'Cf9)IU1ue ar.eas accordi,nf!:=ro;:'ffiro
p.
The schematic nature of this procedure is evident from the fact that
the mechanically differentiated products are ultimately all the same. That
the difference between the models of Chrysler and General Motors is fundamentally
illusory is known by any child, who is fascinated by that very
difference. The advantages and disadvantages debated by enthusiasts serve
l r th ea.ran n ehoi10:e. It is no different
with the offerings of Warner Brothers and Metro Goldwyn Mayer.
But the differences, even between the more expensive and cheaper products
from the same firm, are shrinking-in cars to the different number
of cylinders, engine capacity, and derails of the gadgets, and in films to the
different number of stars, the expense lavished on technology, labor and
costumes, or the use of the latest psychological formulae. The unified standard
of value consists in the level of conspicuous production, the amount
of investment put on show. The budgeted differences of value in the culture
industry have nothing to do with actual differences, with the meaning
of the product itself The technical media, too, are being engulfed by
an insatiable uniformity. Television aims at a synthesis of radio and film,
delayed only for as long as the interested parries cannot agree. Such a synthesis,
with its unlimited possibilities, promises to intensifY the impoverishment
of the aesthetic material so radically that the identity of all industrial
cultural products, still scantily disguised today, will triumph openly
romorrow in a mocking fulfillment of Wagner's dream of the total art
work. The accord between word, image, and music is achieved so much
more perfectly than in Tristan because the sensuous elements, which compliantly
document only the surface of social reality, are produced in prin-
)8 The Culture Industry
:iple within the same technical work process, the unity of which they
xpress as their true content. This work process integrates all the elements
Jf production, from the original concept of the novel, shaped by its sidelong
glance at fUm,* to the last sound effect. It is the triumph of invested
:apital. To impress the omnipotence of capital on the hearts of expropriated
job candidates as the power of their true master is the purpose of all
films, regardless of the plot selected by the production directors.
Even during their leisure time, consumers must orient themselves
according to the unity of production. The active contribution which
Kantian schematism still expected of subjects-that they should, from the
first, relate sensuous multiplicity to fundamental concepts-is denied ro
the subject by industry. It purveys schematism as its first service to the customer.
According to Kamian schematism, a secret mechanism within the
psyche preformed immediate data to fit them into the system of pure reason.
That secret has now been unraveled. Although the operations of the
mechanism appear to be planned by those who supply the data,
e-indusn:y ind
ia of
sGn,em1a:o
my id i . Everything
comes from consciousness-from that of God for Malebranche and
Berkeley, and from earthly production management for mass art. Not only
Jo hit songs, stars, and soap operas conform to types recurring cyclically
as rigid invariants, but the specific content of productions, the seemingly
variable element, is itself derived from those types. The details become
interchangeable. The brief interval sequence which has proved catchy in a
hit song, the hero's temporary disgrace which he accepts as a "good sport,"
the wholesome slaps the heroine re<;_eives from the strong hand of the male
star, his plain-speaking abruptness toward the pampered heiress, are, like
all the details, ready-made cliches, to be used here and there as desired and
always completely defined by the.._purpose they serve within the schema.
'I() confirm \che schema by acting as its constituents is their sole raison
d'hre. In a film, the outcome can invariably bepredicted
at the start-who

Enlightenment as Mass Deception 99
will be rewarded, punished, forgotten-and in light music the prepared
::ar can always guess the continuation after the first bars of a hit song and
is gratified when it actually occurs. The average choice of words in a short
>tory must not be tampered with. The gags and effects are no less calculated
than their framework. They are managed by special experts, and their
>lim variety is specifically tailored to the office pigeonhole. The culture
industry has developed in conjunction with the predominance of the
effect, the tangible performance, the technical detail, over the work, which
once carried the idea and was liquidated with it. By emancipating itself,
the detail had become refractory; from Romanticism to Expressionism it
had rebelled as unbridled expression, as the agent of opposition, against
organization. In music, the individual harmonic effect had obliterated
awareness of the form as a whole; in painting the particular detail had
obscured the overall composition; in the novel psychological penetration
had
BJ11ftii' IJ.l::jW£4: !;1d:hrbta .
blurred the architecture. t hme 'ncl.u, is
though operating only with effects, it subdues
rheT unruliness and subordinates them to the formula which supplants
the work. It crushes equally the whole and the parts. The whole confronts
the details in implacable detachment, somewhat like the career of a successful
man, in which everything serves to illustrate and demonstrate a
success which, in fact, it is no more than the sum of those idiotic events.
The so-called leading idea is a filing compartment which creates order, not
connections.
-JJW.ook::flll.k
b a a l.Y an a_"!; ill&il>
e. Their harmony, guaranteed in advance, mocks the painfully
achieved harmony of the great bourgeois works of art. In Germany even
the most carefree films of democracy were overhung already by the graveyard
stillness of dictatorship.
The whole world is passed through the filter of the culture industry.
The familiar experience of the moviegoer, who perceives the street outside
as a continuation of the film he has just left, because the film seeks strictly
to reproduce the world of everyday perception, has become the guidecatle;eiffi)irRGlfi:e
line of production. earn lm:cl · rt- liniqu <:iu:pli
·i?iit=se:eamle
l:}jee , fll aJ ® 'llwio :wf. rid
s i n 0 on hit: h·3.S':bet: nre:v:
Since the abrupt introduction of the sound film, mechanical
duplication has become entirely subservient to this objective. According to
this tendency, life is to be made indistinguishable from the sound film. Far
II H) / /1(' ( .'ult/1/'(' /nrl/1111)'
L u up
du r:hu it tr · n
Jir dy i r i ry. The withering of imagination and spontaneity in the
consumer of culture today need not be traced back to psychological mechanisms.
The products themselves, especially the most characteristic, the
sound film, cripple those faculties through their objective makeup. They
arc so constructed that their adequate comprehension requires a quick, observant,
knowledgeable cast of mind but positively debars the spectator
from thinking, if he is not to miss the fleeting facts. This kind of alertness
is so ingrained that it does not even need to be activated in particular
cases, while still repressing the powers of imagination. Anyone who is so
absorbed by the world of the film, by gesture, image, and word, that he or
she is unable to supply that which would have made it a world in the first
place, does not need to be entirely transfixed by the special operations of
the machinery at the moment of the
mn mcl
performance. es
w N :cti . But each one is a m_9del of the
ongigantic
economic machinery,* which, from the first, keeps everyone on their
toes, both at work and in the leisure time which resembles it. In any sound
film or any radio broadcast something is discernible which cannot be
attributed as a social effect to any one of them, but to all together. Each
s ingle manifestation of the culture industry inescapably reproduces
human beings,as what the whole h made them. ·
c:ten rcim
uh f G@l' tJ:ganiz.at-i 1
ciT 'illrirl :eprod . de d:o eJRl;:ml"ffi"::jtll exft· f
complaints o art historians and cultu,ral attorneys over the
exhaustion of the energy which created artistic style in the West are frighteningly
unfounded. -.r=l tnTill!"''l!f mj@'Ooo:roi lial Gf=will'll
h- l eug§, pn
g 1 the concept with
which culture lovers idealize the pr capfralist past as an orgaAic era. No
Fn/,g/Jt,·n lilt' Ill 11.1 /\'/,,, ' I >t'l 't'f'' ion 1 () 1
Palestrina could have el iminated the unprepared or unresolved dissonance
more pu ristically than the jazz arranger excludes any phrase which does
not exactly fit the jargon. If he jazzes up Mozart, he changes the music not
only where it is too difficult or serious but also where the melody is merely
harmonized differently, indeed, more simply, than is usual today. No
medieval patron of architecture can have scrutinized the subjects of church
windows and sculptures more suspiciously than the studio hierarchies
examine a plot by Balzac or Victor Hugo before it receives the imprimatur
of feasibility. No cathedral chapter could have assigned the grimaces and
torments of the damned to their proper places in the order of divine love
more scrupulously than production managers decide the position of the
torture of the hero or the raised hem of the leading lady's dress within the
litany of the big film. The explicit and implicit, exoteric and esoteric catalog
of what is forbidden and what is tolerated* is so extensive that it not
only defines the area left free but wholly controls it. Even rhe most minor
details are modeled according to this lexicon. "k, · rs , :va.r -
the ul w: · ust:-r efin _
·
pplied
t a anguag miti;vely.
1 ov.ocabttlaey. The permanent
compulsion to produce new effects which yet remain bound to the
old schema, becoming additional rules, merely increases the power of the
tradition which the individual effect seeks to escape. Every phenomenon
is by now so thoroughly imprinted by the schema that nothing can occur
that does not bear in advance the trace of the jargon, that is not seen at
first glance to be approved. But the true masters, as both producers and
reproducers, are those who speak the jargon with the same free-and-easy
relish as if it were the language it has long since silenced. Such is the industry's
ideal of naturalness. It asserts itself more imperiously the more the
perfected technology reduces the tension between the culture product and
everyday existence. rl a re i d tec
abj · o 1 fiui . b aA
jazz musician who has to play a piece of serious music, Beethoven's
simplest minuet, involuntarily syncopates, and condescends to start on
the beat only with a superior smile. Such "naturalness," complicated by
the ever more pervasive and exorbitant claims of the specific medium, constitutes
the new style, "a system of nonculture to which one might even
concede a certain 'unity of style' if it made any sense to speak of a stylized
barbarism."•
102 The Culture Industry
The general influence of this stylization may already be more binding
than the official rules and prohibitions; a hit song is treated more
leniently today if it does not respect the thirty-two bars or the compass of
the ninth than if it includes even the most elusive melodic or harmonic
detail which falls outside the idiom. Orson Welles is forgiven all his
offences against the usages of the craft because, as calculated rudeness,
they confirm the validity of the system all the more zealously. The compulsion
of the technically conditioned idiom which the stars and directors
must produce as second nature, so that the nation may make it theirs,
relates to nuances so fine as to be almost as subtle as the devices used in a
work of the avant-garde, where, unlike those of the hit song, they serve
truth. The rare ability to conform punctiliously to the obligations of the
idiom of naturalness in all branches of the culture industry becomes the
measure of expertise. As in logical positivism, what: is said and how it is
said must be verifiable against everyday speech. The producers are experts.
The idiom demands the most prodigious productive powers, which it
absorbs and squanders. dere L ra
clisJ;i.ru ri..G gen.t:Un - . A style might
possibly be called artificial if it had been imposed from outside against the
.___..u....,b
resistance of the intrinsic tendencies of form. Bu · · d:ustry
j_ m:rr · sel£ da o i..._ts s alles.r el . r,· (T om Ehe
l P-ar.aru as the_J_¥ 0- · :tJ b.tc ·:t ·s sor:bed. The deals struck
between the art specialists and the sponsor and censor over some all-toounbelievable
lie tell us less about internal, aesthetic tensions than about a
divergence of interests. The reputation of th specialist, in which a last
residue of actual autonomy still occasionally finds refuge, collides with the
business policy of the church or the industrial combine producing the cult
ure commodity. By its own nature, however, the matter has already been
reified as negotiable even before the various agencies come into conflict.
Even before Zanuck* acquired her, Saint BerJ;Iadette gleamed in the eye of
her writer as an advert aimed at all the relevant consortia. To this the
impulses of form have been reduced. As a result, the style of the culture
industry, which has no resistant material to overcome, is at the same time
the negation of style. The reconciliation of general and panicular, of rules
and the specific demands of the subject, through which alone style takes
on substance, is nullified by the absence of tension between the poles: "the
extremes which touch" have become a murky identity in which the general
em replat:e the particular and vice versa.

Enlightenment as Mass Deception 103
Nevertheless, this caricature of style reveals something about the
genuine style of the past. The concept of a genuine style becomes transparent
in the culture industry as the aesthetic equivalent of power. The
notion of style as a merely aesthetic regularity is a retrospective fantasy of
Romanticism. The unity of style not only of the Christian Middle Ages
but of the Renaissance expresses the different structures of social coercion
in those periods, not the obscure experience of the subjects, in which the
universal was locked away. The great artists were never those whose works
embodied style in its least fractured, most perfect form but those who
adopted style as a rigor to set against the chaotic expression of suffering,
as a negative truth. In the style of these works expression took on the
strength without which existence is dissipated unheard. Even works which
arc called classical, like the music of Mozart, contain objective tendencies
which resist the style they incarnate. Up to Schonberg and Picasso, great
artists have been mistrustful of style, which at decisive points has guided
them less than the logic of the subject matter. What the Expressionists and
Dadaists attacked in their polemics, the untruth of style as such, triumphs
today in the vocal jargon of the crooner, in the adept grace of the film star,
and even in the mastery of the photographic shot of a farm laborer's hovel.
o 1 · promise. In being absorbed through style
into the dominant form of universality, into the current musical, pictorial,
or verbal idiom, what is expressed seeks to be reconciled with the idea
of the true universal. This promise of the work of art to create truth by
impressing its unique contours on the socially transmitted forms is as necessary
as it is hypocritical. By claiming to anticipate fulfillment through
their aesthetic derivatives, it posits the real forms of the existing order as
absolute. 14 rh: wa: a1 · gi¥' et it ·
>''I;J"""" .ruggl preeip.i:t-are · n Je, :a -rt
r nnn xpression or fferir:rg:•The moment in the work of art by which
it transcends reality cannot, indeed, be severed from style; that moment,
however, does not consist in achieved harmony, in the questionable unity
of form and content, inner and outer, individual and society, but in those
traits in which the discrepancy emerges, in the necessary failure of the passionate
striving for identity. Instead of exposing itself to this failure, in
which the style of the great work of art has always negated itself, the inferior
work has relied on its similarity to others, the surrogate of identity.
dus . nal! chi rmua I . Be' g
han . t: Q .edi . th - ial
104 The Culture Industry
r . Aesthetic barbarism today is accomplishing what has threatened
intellectual formations since they were brought together as culture and
neutralized. To speak about culture always went against the grain of culture.
The general designation "culture" already contains, virtually, the
process of identifying, cataloging, and classifying which imports culture
into the realm of administration. Only what has been industrialized, rigorously
subsumed, is fully adequate to this concept of culrure. Only by
subordinating all branches of intellecrual production equally to the single
purpose of imposing on the senses of human beings, from the time they
leave the factory in the evening to the time they clock on in the morning,
impl'i:n · b :r ugh
61
l :m!''"l'l mius 1 thus proves to
be the goal of the very liberalism which is criticized for its lack of style.
Not only did its categories and contents originate in the liberal sphere, in
domesticated naturalism no less than in the operetta and the revue, but
the modern culture combines are the economic area in which a piece of
the circulation sphere otherwise in the process of disintegration, together
with the corresponding entrepreneurial types, still tenuously survives. In
that area people can still make their way, provided they do not look too
closely at their true purpose and are willing to be compliant. ho
r o d., Once-registered as diverging
from the culture industry, they belong to it as the land reformer does
to capitalism. Realistic indignation is the trademark of those with a new
idea _to sell. Public authority in the present society* allows only those complaints
to be heard in which the attentive ear can discern the prominent
figure under whose protection the rebel is suing for peace. The more
immeasurable the gulf between chorus and leaders, the more certainly is
there a place among the latter for anyone who demonstrates superiority by
well-organized dissidence. ee
r , 1 s at) est rr:rem er Ul"Vf.v.l · dust . To open that
industry to clever people is the function of the otherwise largely regulated
market, in which, even in its heyday, freedom was the freedom of the stupid
to starve, in art as elsewhere. Not for nothing did the system of the
.
Enlightenment as Mass Deception 105
culture industry originate in the liberal industrial countries, just as all its
characteristic media, especially cinema, radio, jazz, and magazines, also
triumph there. Irs progress, however, stems from the general laws of capital.
Gaumont and Pathe,* Ullstein and Hugenberg* did not follow the
international trend to their own disadvantage; Europe's economic dependence
on the USA after the war and the inflation also made its contribution.
The belief that the barbarism of the culture industry is a result of
"cultural lag," of the backwardness of American consciousness in relation
to rhe stare of technology, is quire illusory. Prefascist Europe was backward
in relation to rhe monopoly of culture. But it was precisely to such backwardness
that intellectual activity owed a remnant of autonomy, its last
exponents their livelihood, however meager. In Germany the incomplete
permeation of life by democratic control had a paradoxical effect. Many
areas were still exempt from the market mechanism which had been
unleashed in Western countries. The German educational system, including
the universities, the artistically influential theatres, the great orchestras,
and the museums were under patronage. The political powers, the
state and the local authorities who inherited such institutions from absolutism,
had lefc them a degree of independence from the power of the
marker as the princes and feudal lords had done up to the nineteenth century.
This stiffened the backbone of art in its late phase against the verdict
of supply and demand, heightening its resistance far beyond its actual
degree of protection. In the market itself the homage paid to not yet marketable
artistic quality was converted into purchasing power, so that reputable
literary and musical publishers could support authors who brought
in little more than the respect of connoisseurs. Only the dire and incessant
threat of incorporation into commercial life as aesthetic experts finally
brought the artists to heel. In former times they signed their letters, like
Kant and Hume, "Your most obedient servant," while undermining the
foundations of throne and altar. Today they call heads of government by
their first names and are subject, in every artistic impulse, to the judgment
of their illiterate principals. The analysis offered by de Tocqueville a hunJred
years ago has been fully borne out in the meantime. Under the private
monopoly of culture tyranny does indeed "leave the body free and
t·ts to work directly on the soul. The ruler no longer says: 'Either you
1 hink as I do or you die.' He says: 'You are free not to think as I do; your
lilc, your property-all that you shall keep. But from this day on you will
ro6 The Culture Industry
ili.I'!Vw!cc:fCte o the mechanism of supply and
demand is today disintegrating in material production, in the superstructure
it acts as a control on behalf of the rulers. The consumers are the
workers and salaried employees, the farmers and petty bourgeois.
Capitalist production hems them in so tightly, in body and soul, that they
unresistingly succumb to whatever is proffered to them. However, just as
the ruled have always taken the morality dispensed to them by the rulers
more seriously than the rulers themselves, the defrauded masses today
cling to the myth of success still more ardently than the successful. They,
too, have their aspirations. They insist unwaveringly on the ideology by
which they are enslaved. The pernicious love of the common people for
the harm done to them outstrips even the cunning of the authorities. It
surpasses the rigor of the Hays Office,'* j ust as, in great epochs, it has
inspired renewed zeal in greater agencies directed against it, the terror of
the tribunals. It calls for Mickey Rooney'* rather than the tragic Garbo,
Donald Duck rather than Betty Boop. The industry bows to the vote it
has itself rigged. The incidental costs to the firm which cannot turn a profit
from its contract with a declining star are legitimate costs for the system
as a whole. By artfully sanctioning the demand for trash, the system inaugurates
total harmony. Connoisseurship and expertise are proscribed as the
arrogance of those who think themselves' superior, whereas culture distributes
its privileges democratically to all. Under the ideological truce
between them, the conformism of die consumers, like the shamelessness
of the producers they sustain, can have a good conscience. Both content
themselves with the reproduction of sameness.
Unending sameness also govern the relationship to the past. What
is new in the phase of mass culture compared to that of late liberalism is
the exclusion of the new. The machine is rotating on the spot. While it
already determines consumption, it rejects anything untried as a risk. In
film, any manuscript which is not reassuringly based on a best-seller is
viewed ith mistrust. That is why there is incessant talk of ideas, novelty
and surprises, of what is both totally familiar and has never existed before.
Tempo and dynamism are paramount. Nothing is allowed to stay as it was,
everything must be endlessly in motion. r
En
u:otio:a=::rn<:P:i l'lro)dluJ.iett:ffi:<ern::
lightenment as Mass Deception 107
1 ise that
.Q2J !&! w:g.e;:that:na il.l::em:ergeJOTo add anything
to the proven cultural inventory would be too speculative. The frozen genres-sketch,
short story, problem film, hit song-represent the average of
late liberal taste threateningly imposed as a norm. The most powerful of
the culture agencies, who work harmoniously with others of their kind as
only managers do, whether they come from the ready-to-wear trade or*
college, have long since reorganized and rationalized the objective mind.
It is as if some omnipresent agency* had reviewed the material and issued
an authoritative catalog tersely listing the products available. The ideal
forms are inscribed in the cultural heavens where they were already numbered
by Plato-indeed, were only numbers, incapable of increase or
change.
Amusement and all the other elements of the culture industry existed
long before the industry irsel£ Now they have been taken over from
above and brought fully up to date. The culture indusuy can boast of having
energetically accomplished and elevated to a principle the often inept
transposition of art to the consumption sphere, of having stripped amusement
of irs obtrusive naiveties and improved the quality of its commodities.
The more all-embracing the culture industry has become, the more
pitilessly it has forced the outsider into either bankruptcy or a syndicate;
at the same time it has become more refined and elevated, becoming finally

lest terl<a8"'ml:fl-'iO'ouiffi'iilcl
a synthesis ofBeethoven and the Casino de Paris.* I Gt;(;}f • foid:
Y,.iJ athtllalLC:<
i ph can..h . P- oauee ind:efrn:ite­
·IJi· . "Light" art as such, entertainment, is not·a form of
decadence. Those who deplore it as a betrayal of the ideal of pure expression
harbor illusions about society.* The purity of bourgeois art, hypostatized
as a realm of freedom contrasting to material praxis, was bought
from the outset with the exclusion of the lower class; and art keeps faith
with the cause of that class, the true universal, precisely by freeing itself
from the purposes of the false. Serious art has denied itself to those for
whom the hardship and oppression of life make a mockery of seriousness
and who must be glad to use the time nor spent at the production line in
being simply carried along. Light art has accompanied autonomous art as
its shadow. It is the social bad conscience of serious art. The truth which
1he latter could not apprehend because of its social premises gives the former
an appearance of objective justification. The split between them is
108 The Culture Industry
o-a41!f¢: ar.!:!o!.o t' erio e Mi<:: r: a..That, however, is what the
culture industry attempts. The eccentricity of the circus, the peep show, or
the brothel in relation to society is as embarrassing to it as that of Schonberg
and Karl Kraus. The leading jazz musician Benny Goodman therefore
has to appear with the Budapest String Quartet, more pedantic rhythmically
than any amateur clarinetist, while the quartet play with the saccharine
monotony of Guy Lombardo.* What is significant is not crude
ignorance, stupidity or lack of polish. T . ooli ked
tl1e mbbisl:! e rohili.
J: ::!Ji :or:!€ p
e;.ta:i£j::lll<l,eJ11
m:pollit:.lanl[lJ
nll:n or::•the totality of the culture
industry. Its element is repetition. The fact that its characteristic innovaf.te,aus.t-<><tlle.>SJ'..'i

tions are in all cases mere imp . ements to ednctitm · ra­
• With good reason the interest of countless consumers
is focused on the technology, not on the rigidly repeated, threadbare and
half-abandoned content. The social power revered by the spectators manifests
itself more effectively in the technically enforced ubiquity of stereotypes
than in the stale ideologies which the ephemeral contents have to
endorse.
Nevertheless,
:
1 n m
' ill not be broken by outright dictate but by the hostiliry inherent in the
principle of entertainment to anything which is more than itself ende·es· - -w.:n.ethi e.. .......--:..-
urv · th "nd tty. Demand has not yet been
replaced by simple obedience. The major reorganization of the film industry
shortly before the First World War, the material precondition for its
expansion, was a deliberate adaptation to needs of the public registered at
the tick t office, which were hardly thought worthy of consideration in the
pioneering days of the screen. That view is still held by the captains of the
film industry, who accept only more or less phenomenal box-office success
.
Enlightenment as Mass Deception 109
(6g s=bll5'l
as evidence and prudently ignore the counterevidence, truth.
tttMPeiiiM"-....,. W Iiilli .- Gii!litmdlll!ft!ed
llelJS. In this they are right to the extent that tml!:.piS.Wi!t:iaf: :l
and not in simple
antithesis to it-or even in the antithesis between omnipotence and powerlessness.
Entertainment is the prolongation of work under late capitalism.
It is sought by those who want to escape the mechanized labor process
so that they can cope with it again. At the same time, however,
o e tae ean&
or ug t that the offduty
worker can experience nothing but after-images of rhe work process
itself. The ostensible content is merely a faded foreground; what is imfmflb;Ehe :uk.._p£o-GC::ss::i:IF! 'o

printed is the automated sequence of standardized tasks. nl} sGaP-
= -...=
lffiE i clnuugh:::adaptatim
. This is the incurable sickness of all entertainment.
ttSem n,
tQ!i g£ !Jr !.;.ll !_CS: !Vet -worn t>qj aves.. s aa!
The spectator must need no thoughts of his own: the product prescribes
each reaction, not through any actual coherence-which collapses
once exposed to thought-but through signals. Any logical connection
presupposing mental capacity is scrupulously avoided. Developments are
to emerge from the directly preceding situation, not from the idea of the
whole. There is no plot which could withstand the screenwriters' eagerness
to extract the maximum effect from the individual scene. Finally, even the
schematic formula seems dangerous, since it provides some coherence of
meaning, however meager, when only meaninglessness is aaceptable.
Often the plot is willfully denied the development called for by characters
and theme under the old schema. Instead, the next step is determined by
what the writers take to be their most effective idea. Obtusely ingenious
surprises disrupt the plot. The product's tendency to fall back perniciously
on the pure nonsense which, as buffoonery and clowning, was a legitimate
parr of popular art up to Chaplin and the Marx brothers, emerges
most strikingly in the less sophisticated genres. Whereas the films of Greer
Garson and Bette Davis can still derive some claim to a coherent plot from
the unity of the socio-psychological case represented, the tendency to subvert
meaning has taken over completely in the text of novelty songs,* suspense
films, and canoons. The idea itself, like objects in comic and horror
films, is massacred and mutilated. Novelty songs have always lived on con-
no The Culture Industry
tempt for meaning, which, as both ancestors and descendants of psychoanalysis,
they reduce to the monotony of sexual symbolism. In crime and
adventure fllms the spectators are begrudged even the opportunity to witness
the resolution. Even in nonironic examples of the genre they must
make do with the mere horror of situations connected in only the most
perfunctory way.
Cartoon and stunt films were once expor:ents of fantasy against
rationalism. They allowed justice to be done to the animals and things
electrified by their technology, by granting the mutilated beings a second
life. Today they merely confirm the victory of technological reason over
truth. A few years ago they had solid plots which were resolved only in the
whirl of pursuit of the final minutes. In this their procedure resembled
that of slapstick comedy. But now the temporal relations have shifted. The
opening sequences state a plot motif so that destruction can work on it
throughout the action: with the audience in gleeful pursuit the protagonist
is tossed about like a scrap of litter. The quantity of organized amusement
is converted into the quality of organized cruelty.* The self-elected
censors of the film industry, its accomplices, monitor the duration of the*
atrocity prolonged into a hunt. The jollity-dispels the joy supposedly conferred
by the sight of an embrace and postpones satisfaction until the day
of the pogrom. To the extent that cartoons do more than accustom the
senses to the new tempo, they hammer into every brain the old lesson that
continuous attrition, the breaking of all individual resistance, is the condition
of life in this society. Q& ,Q. he..eaF«JIOf.ltSililllfl.tile"tmfffi
concocted by the experts may escape the weary eye; in face of the slick presentation
no one may appear stupid even for a moment; everyone has to
keep up, emulating the smartness displayed and propagated by the production.
This makes it doubtful whether the culrure industry even still fulfils
its self-proclaimed function of distraction. If the majority of radio stations
a_nd cinemas were shut down, consumers probably would not feel too
much deprived. In stepping from the street into the cinema, they no
longer enter the world of dream in any case, and once the use of these
institutions was no longer made 'obligatory by their rpere existence, the
Enlightenment as Mass Deception III
urge to use them might not be so overwhelming.* Shutting them down in
this way would not be reactionary machine-wrecking. Those who suffered
would nor be the film enthusiasts bur those who always pay the penalty in
any case, the ones who had lagged behind. For the housewife, despite the
films which are supposed to integrate her still further, the dark of the cinema
grants a refuge in which she can spend a few unsupervised hours, just
as once, when there were still dwellings and evening repose, she could sit
gazing out of the window. The unemployed of the great centers find freshness
in summer and warmth in winter in these places of regulated temperature.
Apart from that, and even by the measure of the existing order,
the bloated entertainment apparatus does not make life more worthy of
human beings. The idea of "exploiting" the given technical possibilities,*
of fully utilizing the capacities for aesthetic mass consumption, is part of
an economic system which refuses to utilize capacities when it is a question
of
JiFFiffittm'e=iruiU:sl -g
abolishing hunger.
ceflf.iless!r-p )IDISes..
id:less cb consume!' ou of what ·
The promissory note of pleasure issued by plot and
packaging is indefinitely prolonged: the promise, which actually comprises
the entire show, disdainfully intimates that there is nothing more to
come, that the diner must be satisfied with reading the menu. The desire
inflamed by the glossy names and images is served up finally with a celebration
of the daily round it sought to escape. Of course, genuine works
of art were not sexual exhibitions either. But by presenting denial as negative,
they reversed, as it were, the debasement of the drive and rescued by
mediation what had been denied. That is the secret of aesthetic sublimation:
to present fulfillment in its brokenness. The culture industry* does
not sublimate: it suppresses. By constantly exhibiting the object of desire,
the breasts beneath the sweater, the naked torso of the sporting hero, it
merely goads rhe unsublimated anticipation of pleasure, which through
the habit of denial has long since been mutilated as masochism. There is
no erotic situation in which innuendo and incitement are not accompanied
by the clear notification that things will never go so far. The Hays
Office* merely confirms the ritual which the culture industry has staged
in any case: that of Tantalus. Works of art are ascetic and shameless; the
culture industry is pornographic and prudish. It reduces love to romance.
And, once reduced, much is permitted, even libertinage as a marketable
specialty, purveyed by quota with the trade description "daring." The mass
n2 The Culture Industry
u . Because
of his ubiquity, the film star with whom one is supposed to fall in love is,
from the start, a copy of himself. Every tenor now sounds like a Caruso
record, and the natural faces of Texas girls already resemble those of the
established models by which they would be typecast in Hollywood.
.
SQ.Y; ,.a®OO<ltl')
The triumph over beauty is completed by humor, the malicious
pleasure elicited by any successful deprivation. There is laughter because
there is nothing to laugh about. rno e,
alway m n . It indicates a
release, whether from physical danger or from the grip oflogic. Reconciled
laughter resounds with the echo of escape from power; wrong laughter
copes with fear by defecting to the agencies which inspire it. u e
inescaE
abil i of o .ilun is a medicinal bath which the entertainment
i dustry -ne r ceases to prescribe. It makes laughter the instrument for
cheating happiness. To moments of happiness laughter is foreign; only
operettas, and now films, present sex amid peals of merriment. But
Baudelaire is as humorless as Holderlin. In wrong society laughter is a
sickness infecting happiness and drawing it into society's worthless totality.

,
·
r, and the viral force
which, according to Bergson, bursts through rigidity in laughter is, in
truth, the irruption of barbarity, the self-assertion which, in convivial setrings,
dares to celebrate its liberation from scruple. The collective of those
who laugh parodies humanity. They are monads, each abandoning himself
to the pleasure-at rhe expense of all others and with the majority in
support-of being ready to shrink from nothing. Their harmony presents
a ca icature of solidarity. What is infernal about wrong laughter is that it
compellingly parodies what is best, reconciliation. Joy, however, is austere:
res severa verum gaudium.* The ideology of monasteries, that it is not
asceticism but the sexual act which marks the renunciation of attainable
bliss,, is negatively confirmed by the gravity of the lover who presciently
pins his whole life to the fleeting moment. The culture industry replaces
pain, which is present in ecstasy no less than in asceticism, with jovial
denial. Its supreme law is that its' consumers shall at nq price be given what
Enlightenment as Mass Deception II3
they desire: and in that very deprivation they must take their laughing satisfaction.
In each performance of the culture industry the permanent
denial imposed by civilization is once more inflicted on and unmistakably
demonstrated to its victims. To offer them something and to withhold it
is one and the same. That is what the erotic commotion achieves. Just
because it can never take place, everything revolves around the coitus. In
ftlm, to allow an illicit relationship without due punishment of the culprits
is even more strictly tabooed than it is for the future son-in-law of a millionaire
to be active in the workers' movement. Unlike that of the liberal
era, industrial no less than nationalist culture can permit itself to i nveigh
against capitalism, but not to renounce the threat of castration. This threat
constitutes its essence.* It outlasts the organized relaxation of morals toward
the wearers of uniforms, first in the jaunty films produced for them
· and then in reality. What is decisive today is no longer Puritanism, though
it still assens itself in the form of women's organizations, but the necessity,
inherent in the system,* of never releasing its grip on the consumer, of
not for a moment allowing him or her to suspect that resistance is possible.
This principle requires that while all needs should be presented to
i ndividuals as capable of fulfillment by the culture industry, they should
be so set up in advance that individuals experience themselves through
rheir needs only as eternal consumers, as the culture industry's object. Not
only does it persuade them that its fraud is satisfaction; it also gives them
to understand that they must make do with what is offered, whatever it
may be. The flight from the everyday world, promised by the culture
industry in all its branches, is much like the abduction of the daughter in
rhe American cartoon: the father is holding the ladder in the dark. The
culture industry presents that same everyday world as paradise. Escape,
like elopement, is destined from the first to lead back to its starting point.
Entertainment fosters the resignation which seeks to forget itself in entertainment.

Amusement, free of all restraint, would be not only the opposite of
art but its complementary extreme. Absurdity in the manner of Mark
Twain, with which the American culture industry flirts from time to time,
could be a corrective to art. St ·o
II4 The Culture Industry
CJSe b . In some revue films, and especially in
grotesque stories and "funnies,"* the possibility of this negation is
momentarily glimpsed. Its realization, of course, cannot be allowed. Pure
amusement indulged to the full, relaxed abandon to colorful associations
and merry nonsense, is cut short by amusement in its marketable form: it
is disrupted by the surrogate of a coherent meaning with which the culture
industry insists on endowing its products while at the same time slyly
misusing them as pretexts for bringing on the stars. Biographies and other
fables stitch together the scraps of nonsense into a feeble-minded plor. It
is not the bells on the fool's cap that jingle but the bunch of keys of capitalist
reason, which even in its images harnesses joy ro the purpose of getting
ahead. Every kiss in the revue film must contribute to the career of
rhe boxer or hit-song expert whose success is being glorified. The deception
is not that the culture industry serves up amusement but that it spoils
rhe fun by its business-minded attachment to the ideological cliches of the
culture which is liquidating itself. Ethics and taste suppress unbridled
amusement as "nal've"-naivety being rated no more highly than imellectualism-and
even restrict its technical possibilities. The culture industry
is corrupt, not as a sink of iniquity but as the cathedral of higher gratification.
At all its levels, from Hemingway to Emil Ludwig,* from Mrs.
Miniver* to the Lone Ranger,* from Toscanini to Guy Lombardo,* intelk·crual
products drawn ready-made from art and science are infected with
u nrrurh. Traces of something better persist in those features of the culture
indusrry by which it resembles the circus..:..._in the stubbornly purposeless
expertise of riders, acrobats, and clowns, in the "defense and j ustification
of physical as against intellectual art. "J'But the hiding places of mindless
anisrry, which represents what is human against the social mechanism, are
being relentlessly ferreted out by organizational reason, which forces
everything ro justify itself in terms of meaning and effect. It is causing
meaninglessness to disappear at the lowest level of art j ust as radically as
meaning is disappearing at the highest.
The fusion of culture and entertainment is brought about today not
only by the debasement of culture · telle
"'Y...uJ.,,.,.
-
u.ul . This is already evident in the fact that amusement
is no experienced only in facsimile, in the form of cinema photography
or the radio recording. In the age of liberal expansion amusement
was sustained by an unbroken belief in the future: things would stay the
Enlightenment as Mass Deception 115
same yet get better. Today, that belief has itself been intellectualized,
becoming so refined as ro lose sight of all actual goals and ro consist only
in a golden shimmer projected beyond the real. It is composed of the extra
touches of meaning-running exactly parallel to life itself-applied in the
screen world to the good guy, the engineer, the decent girl, and also to the
ruthlessness disguised as character, to the sporting interest, and finally to
the cars and cigarettes, even where the entertainment does not directly
serve the publicity needs of the manufacturer concerned but advertises the
system as a whole. al, taking the place of
the higher values it eradicates from the masses by repeating them in an
even more stereotyped form than the advertising slogans paid for by
private interests. Inwardness, the subjectively restricted form of truth, was
always more beholden ro the outward rulers than it imagined. The culture
industry is perverting it into a barefaced lie. It appears now only as the
high-minded prattle tolerated by consumers of religious bestsellers, psychological
films, and women's serials* as an embarrassingly agreeable ingredient,
so that they can more reliably control their own human emotions.
In this sense entertainment is purging the affects in the manner once
attributed by Aristotle to tragedy and now by Mortimer Adler* ro ft.lm.
· ndus reveals t e u th o u so 15ou
The more strongly the culture industry entrenches itself, the more it
can do as it chooses with the needs of consumers-producing, controlling,
disciplining them; even withdrawing amusement altogether: here, no
limits are set to cultural progress. But the tendency is immanent in the
principle of entertainment itself, as a principle of bourgeois enlightenment.
If the need for entertainment was largely created by industry, which
recommended the work to the masses through its subject matter, the oleograph
through the delicate morsel it portrayed and, conversely, the pudding
mix through the image of a pudding, entertainment has always borne
the trace of commercial brashness, of sales talk, the voice of the fairground
huckster. But the original affinity between business and entertainment
reveals itself in the meaning of entertainment itself: as society's apologia.
To be entertained means to be in agreement. Entertainment makes itself
possible only by insulating itself from the totality of the social process,
making itself stupid and perversely renouncing from the first the in-
u6 The Culture Industry
escapable claim of any work, even the most trivial: in its restrictedness to
ref
1-'hr-gea:+It
lect the whole. gs o
. At its root is powerlessness.
It is indeed escape, but not, as it claims, escape from bad reality bur from
the last thought of resisting that reality. The liberation which amusement
promises is from thinking as negation. The shamelessness of the rhetorical
question "What do people want?" lies in the fact that it appeals to the
very people as thinking subjects whose subjectivity it specifically seeks to
annul. Even on those occasions when the public rebels against the pleasure
industry it displays the feebleness systematically instilled in it by that
industry. Nevertheless, it has become increasingly difficult to keep the
public in submission. The advance of stupidity must not lag behind the
simultaneous advance of intelligence. In the age of statistics the masses are
wo astute to identify with the millionaire on the screen and too obtuse to
deviate even minutely from the law of large numbers. Ideology hides itself
in probability calculations. Fortune will not smile on all-just on the one
who draws the winning ticket or, rather, the one designated to do so by a
higher power-usually the entertainment industry itself, which presents
itself as ceaselessly in search of talent. Those discovered by the talent
scouts and then built up by the studios are ideal types of the new, dependent
middle classes. The female starlet is supposed to symbolize the secretary,
though in a way which makes her s em predestined, unlike the real
secretary, to wear the flowing evening gown. Thus she apprises the female
spectator not only of the possibility that she, too, might appear on the
screen bur still more insistently of the distance berw'een them. Only one
can draw the winning lot, only one is1prominent, and even though all have
mathematically the same chance, it is so minimal for each individual that
it is best to write it off at once and rejoice in the good fortune of someone
else, who might just as well be on self but never is. Where the culture
industry still invites na"ive identification, it immediately denies ir. It is no
longer possible to lose oneself in others. Once, film spectators saw their
own wedding in that of others. Now the happy couple on the screen are
specimens of the same species as everyone in the audience, but the sameness
posits the insuperable separation of its human elements. The perfected
simila ity is the absolute difference. The identity of the species prohibits
that of the individual cases. The culture industry· has sardonically
l't"al izcd man's species being. Everyone amounts only to those qualities by
.
Enlightenment as Mass Deception 117
which he or she can replace everyone else: all are fungible, mere specimens.
As individuals they are absolutely replaceable, pure nothingness, and are
made aware of this as soon as time deprives them of their sameness. This
changes the inner composition of the religion of success, which they are
sternly required to uphold. The path per aspera ad astra, which presupposes
need and effort, is increasingly replaced by the prize. The element of
blindness in the routine decision as to which song is to be a hit, which
extra a heroine, is celebrated by ideology. Films emphasize chance. By imposing
an essential sameness on their characters, with the exception of the
villain, to the point of excluding any faces which do not conform-for
example, those which, like Garbo's, do not look as if they would welcome
the greeting "Hello, sister"-the ideology does, it is true, make life initially
easier for the spectators. They are assured that they do not need to
be in any way other than they are and that they can succeed just as well
without having to perform tasks of which they know themselves incapable.
But at the same time they are given the hint that effort would not
help them in any case, because even bourgeois success no longer has any
connection to the calculable effect of their own work. They take the hint.
Fundamentally, everyone recognizes chance, by which someone is sometimes
lucky, as the other side of planning.* Just because society's energies
have developed so far on the side of rationality that anyone might become
an engineer or a manager, the choice of who is to receive from society the
investment and confidence to be trained for such functions becomes
entirely irrational. Chance and planning become identical since, given the
sameness of people, the fortune or misfortune of the individual,. right up
ro the top, loses all economic importance. Chance itself is planned; not in
the sense that it will affect this or that particular individual but in that
people believe in its control. For the planners it serves as an alibi, giving
the impression that the web of transactions and measures into which life
has been transformed* still leaves room for spontaneous, immediate relationships
berween human beings. Such freedom is symbolized in the various
media of the culture industry by the arbitrary selection of average
cases. In the detailed reports on the modestly luxurious pleasure trip organized
by the magazine for the lucky competition winner-preferably a
shorthand typist who probably won through contacts with local powersthat-be-the
powerlessness of everyone is reflected. So much are the
masses mere material that those in control* can raise one of them up to
u8 The Culture Industry
their heaven and cast him or her out again: let them go hang with their
justice and their labor. Industry* is interested in human beings only as its
customers and employees and has in fact reduced humanity as a whole,
like each of its elements, to this exhaustive formula. Depending on which
aspect happens to be paramount at the time, ideology stresses plan or
chance, technology or life, civilization or nature. As employees people are
reminded of the rational organization and must fit into it as common
sense requires. As customers they are regaled, whether on the screen or in
the press, with human interest stories demonstrating freedom of choice
and the charm of not belonging to the system. In both cases they remain
objects.
The less the culture industry has to promise and the less it can offer
a meaningful explanation of life, the emptier the ideology it disseminates
necessarily becomes. Even the abstract ideals of the harmony and benevolence
of society are too concrete in the age of the universal advertisement.
Abstractions in particular are identified as publicity devices. Language
which appeals to mere truth only arouses impatience to get down to the
real business behind it. Words which are not a means seem meaningless,
the others seem to be fiction, untruth. Value judgments are perceived
either as advertisements or as mere chatter. The noncommittal vagueness
of the resulting ideology does not make it more' rransparent, or weaker. Its
very vagueness, the quasiscientific reluctance to be pinned down to anything
which cannot be verified, functions as an instrument of control.
Ideology becomes the emphatic and systematic proclamation of what is.
Through its inherent tendency to adopt the tone of the factual report, the
culture industry makes itself the irrefutable prophet of the existing order.
With consummate skill it maneuvers between the crags of demonstrable
misinformation and obvious truth by faithfully duplicating appearances,
the density of which blocks insight. Thus the omnipresent and impenerrable
world of appearances is set up as the ideal. Ideology is split between
rhe photographing of brute existence and the blatant lie about its meaning,
a lie which is not articulated directly but drummed in by suggestion.
The mere cynical reiteration of the real is enough to demonstrate irs divinity.
Such .. photological proof"' may not be stringent, bur it is overwhelmin .
Anyone who continues to doubt in face of the power of monotony is
a f(>OI. The culmre industry sweeps aside objections to itself along with
those to rhe world ir ne t rally dupliCates. One has only t e choice of con-
Enlightenment as Mass Deception II9
forming or being consigned to the backwoods: the provincials who oppose
cinema and radio by falling back on eternal beauty and amateur theatricals
have already reached the political stance toward which the members
of mass culture are still being driven. This culture is hardened enough
either to poke fun at the old wishful dreams, the paternal ideal no less than
unconditional feeling, or to invoke them as ideology, as the occasion
demands. The new ideology has the world as such as its subject. It exploits
the cult of fact by describing bad existence with utmost exactitude in order
to elevate it into the realm of facts. Through such elevation existence itself
f!liii KiufJ{;,§
becomes a surrogate of meaning and justice. ita v a.Ln­
. The disappointed hope that one might oneself be the
employee who won the world trip is matched by the disappointing appearance
of the exactly photographed regions through which the journey
might have led. What is offered is not Italy bur evidence that it exists. The
fUm can permit itself to show the Paris in which the young American
woman hopes to still her longing as a desolately barren place, in order to
drive her all the more implacably into the arms of the smart American boy
she might equally well have met at home. That life goes on at all, that the
system, even in its most recent phase, reproduces the lives of those who
constitute it instead of doing away with them straight away, is even cred­
to as ili to ll
all becomes the justification for the blind continuation of the system,
indeed, for its immutability. What is repeated is healthy-the cycle in
nature as in industry. The same babies-grin endlessly from magazines, and
endlessly the jazz machine pounds. Despite all the progress in' the techniques
of representation, all the rules and specialties, all the gesticulating
bustle, the bread on which the culture industry feeds humanity, remains
the stone of stereotype. dmi :redly ell­
·r:m 0
rn o . • All this
consolidates the immutability of the existing circumstances. The swaying
cornfields at the end of Chaplin's film on Hitler give the lie to the antifascist
speech about freedom. They resemble the blond tresses of the
German maidens whose outdoor life in the summer wind is photographed
by Ufa. Nature, in being presented by society's control mechanism as the
healing antithesis of society, is itself absorbed into that incurable society
and sold off. The solemn picrorial affirmation that the trees are green, the
120 The Culture Industry
sky is blue, and the clouds are sailing overhead already makes them cryptograms
for factory chimneys and gasoline stations. Conversely, wheels
and machine parts are made to gleam expressively, debased as receptacles
of that leafy, cloudy soul. In this way both nature and technology are
mobilized against the alleged stuffiness, the faked recollection of liberal
society as a world in which people idled lasciviously in plush-lined rooms
instead of taking wholesome open-air baths as they do today, or suffered
breakdowns in antediluvian Benz models instead of traveling at rocket
speed from where they are in any case to where it is no different. The triumph
of the giant corporation* over entrepreneurial initiative is celebrated
by the culture industry as the perpetuity of entrepreneurial initiative.
The fight is waged against an enemy who has already been defeated, the
thinking subject.* The resurrection of Ham Sonnenstojfer, * the enemy of
bourgeois philistines, in Germany, and the smug coziness of Life with
Father* have one and the same meaning.
On one matter, however, this hollow ideology is utterly serious:
everyone is provided for. "No one must be hungry or cold. Anyone failing
to comply goes to a concentration camp/' The joke from Hitler's Germany
might well shine out as a maxim above all the portals of the culture industry.
With naive shrewdness it anticipates the situation characteristic of the
latest society:"' that it knows how to identify its true supporters. Formal
freedom is guaranteed for everyone., No one has to answer officially* for
what he or she thinks. However, all find themselves enclosed from early
on within a system of churche , clubs, professional associations, and other
relationships which amount to the most sensitive instrument of social control.
Anyone who wants to avoid ruin must take care not to weigh too little
in the scales of this apparatus. Otherwise he will fall behind in life and
finally go under. The fact that in every career, and especially in the liberal
professions, specialist knowledge as a rule goes hand in hand with a prescribed
set of attitudes easily gives the misleading impression that expert
knowledge is all that counts. In reality, it is a feature of the irrationally· systematic
nature of this society that it reproduces, passably, only the lives of
its loy.al members. The gradations in the standard of living correspond
very precisely to the degree by which classes and individuals inwardly
adhere to the system. Managers can be relied on; even the minor employee
I )abrwood, • who lives in real icy no less than in the Fomic strip, is reli-
Enlightenment as Mass Deception 121
able. Bur anyone who goes hungry and suffers from cold, especially if he
once had good prospects, is a marked man. He is an outsider, and-with
the occasional exception of the capital crime-to be an outsider is the
gravest guilt. In films such a person is, at best, an eccentric, an object of
maliciously indulgent humor; but mostly he is a villain and is identified as
such on his very first appearance, long before the action requires it, to forestall
even the momentary misapprehension that society turns against those
of good will. In fact, a kind of welfare state on a higher level is being established*
today. To assert their positions people keep in motion an economy
in which the extreme development of technology has made the masses in
principle superfluous as producers in their own country. A.cq dir g e
wfiJf!m;.tbl eef jt,..sg
viders, e QY-t e leaders
·.n · idu,...,.-
RE;Cariou;,;.. Under liberalism the poor were regarded as lazy; today they are
automatiCally suspect. Anyone who is not provided for outside the concentration
camp belongs inside it, or at any rate in the hell of the most
demeaning labor and the slums. The culture industry, however, reflects
society's positive and negative provision* for those it administers as direct
human solidarity in the world of honest folk. No one is forgotten, everywhere
are neighbors , social welfare officers, Dr Gillespies, and armchair
philosophers with their hearts in the right place who, with their kindly
man-to-man interventions, turn the socially perpetuated wretchedness
into remediable individual cases, unless even that is ruled out by the personal
depravity of those concerned. The managed provision of friendly
care, administered by every factory as a means of increasing ·pro<il1criof1,
brings the last private impulse under social control; by being given th
appearance of immediacy, the relationships of people within production
are returned to the private sphere. Such "winter aid"* casts its conciliatory
shadow over the films and broadcasts of the culture industry long before
such care is transferred in totalitarian style from the factory to society
itself. The great helpers and benefactors of humanity, whose scholarly and
scientific achievements have to be embellished by scriptwriters as simple
acts of compassion to wring from them a fictitious human interest, function
as stand-ins for the leaders of nations, who ultimately decree the abolition
of compassion and succeed in preventing all infections by exterminating
the last of the sick.
The emphasis on the heart of gold is society's way of admitting the
122 The Culture Industry
suffering it creates: everyone knows that they are helpless within the system,
and ideology must take account of this. Far from merely concealing
the suffering under the cloak of improvised comradeship, the culture
industry stakes its company pride on looking it manfuHy in the eye and
acknowledging it with unflinching composure. This posture of steadfast
endurance justifies the world which that posture makes necessary. Such is
!!2.Ls.h.#nk
the world-so hard, yet therefore so wonderful, so healthy. The li
back eyen 6:om n; g. gy,.J - o _i_!arian society does...n.o.t
abolish the suffering of its members, but registers and plans it, mass cuJture
does the same with tragedy. Hence the persistent borrowings from art.
Art supplies the tragic substance which pure entertainment cannot provide
on its own yet which it needs if it is to adhere to its principle of meticulously
duplicating appearance. Tragedy, included in society's calculations
and affirmed as a moment of the world, becomes a blessing. It deflects the
charge that truth is glossed over, whereas in fact it is appropriated with
cynical regret. It imparts an element of interest to the insipidity of censored
happiness and makes that interest manageable. To the consumer
who has seen culturally better days it offers the surrogate oflong-abolished
depth, and to regular moviegoers the veneer of culture they need for purposes
of prestige. To all it grants the solace that human fate in its strength
and authenticity is possible even now* and its unflinching depiction inescapable.
The unbroken surface of existence, in the duplication of which
ideology consists solely today, appears aU the more splendid, glorious, and
imposing the more it is imbued with necessary suffering. It takes on the
aspect of fate. Tragedy is leveled' down to the threat to destroy anyone who
does not conform, whereas its paradoxical meaning once lay in hopeless
resistance to mythical threat. Tragic fate becomes the just punishment into
which bourgeois aesthetics has always longed to transform it. The morality
of mass culture has come down to it from yesterday's children's books.
In the first-class production the villain is dressed up as the hysteric who,
in a study of ostensibly cJinical exactitude, seeks to trick her more realistic
rival out of her life's happiness and who herself suffers a quite umheatrical
death. To be sure, only at the top arc things managed as scientifically as
this. Further down, the resources are scarcer. There tragedy has its teeth
drawn without social psychology. Just as any honest Hungarian-Viennese
operetta must have its tragic finale in rhe second act, leavinr nothing for
rhc third but the righting of misunderstandings, _
_$ .peiiW aa! :!Ss.mfi !Je·
Enlightenment as Mass Deception 123
The obvious existence of a formula
is enough in Itself to allay the concern that tragedy might still be
untamed. The housewife's description of the recipe for drama as "getting
into trouble and out again" encompasses the whole of mass culture from
the weak-minded women's serial* to its highest productions. Even the
worst outcome, which once had better intentions, still confirms the established
order and corrupts tragedy, whether because the irregular lover pays
for her brief happiness with death or because the sad end in the picture
makes the indestructibility of actual life shine all the more brightly. Tragic
cinema is becoming truly a house of moral correction. The masses, demoralized
by existence under the pressure of the system* and manifesting civilization
only as compulsively rehearsed behavior in which rage and rebelliousness
everywhere show through, are to be kept in order by the spectacle
of implacable life and rhe exemplary conduct of those it crushes.
Culture has always contributed to the subduing of revolutionary as well as
of barbaric instincts. Industrial culture does something more. It inculcates.
the condicions.--On_which_ i_J!lpl qbJ - life is allow d _to be lived_ at all.
Individuals must use their general satiety as a motive for abandoning
themselves to the collective power of which they are sated. The permanently
hopeless situations which grind down ftlmgoers in daily life are
transformed by their reproduction, in some unknown way, into a promise
that they may continue to exist. One needs only to become aware of one's
nullity, to subscribe to one's own defeat, and one is already a party to it.
Society is made up of the desperate and thus falls prey to rackets. In a few
of the most significant German novels of the prefascistic era, such as Berlin
Alexanderplatz and Kleiner Mann, was nun?, this tendency was as vividly
evident as in the mediocre film and in the procedures of jazz. Fundamentally,
they all present the self-mockery of man. The possibility of
becoming an economic subject, an entrepreneur, a proprietor, is entirely
liquidated. Right down to the small grocery, the independent firm on the
running and inheriting of which the bourgeois family and the position of
its head were founded, has fallen into hopeless dependence. All have
becqroe_emp!Qx._e _1iJ and in the civilization of
father, dubious in any case <l -b.e The behavior of the individual
toward- the -;:-acker,
-;-hether commercial, professional, or political, both
before and after admittance to it; the gestures of the leader before the
masses, of the lover before the woman he woos, are taking on peculiarly
1 24 The Culture Industry
masochistic traits. The attitude all are forced to adopt in order to demonstrate
ever again their moral fitness for this society is reminiscent of that
of boys during admission to a tribe; circling under the blows of the priest,
they wear stereotypical smiles. Existence in late £:PiE i- !!! is a permanent
dte of il)iti;ttioQ; Everyone_rpy ar they_identify ;hofelleartedly
with the power which beats them. This is inherent in the p i ciple f syncopation
in jazz, which mocks the act of stumbling while elevating it to
the norm. The eunuch-like voice of the radio crooner, the handsome suitor
of the heiress, who falls into the swimming pool wearing his ruxedo, are
models for those who want to make themselves imo that to which the system*
breaks them. Everyone can be like the omnipotem society, everyone
can be happy if only they hand themselves over to it body and soul and
relinquish their claim to happiness. In their weakness society recognizes its
own strength and passes some of it back to them. Their lack of resistance
certifies them as reliable customers. Thus is tragedy abolished. Once, the
antithesis between individual and society made up its substance. Tragedy
glorified "courage and freedom of feeling in face of a mighty foe, sublime
adversity, a problem which awakened dread."4 as been dis-

But the miracle of integration, the permanent benevolence of those in
command,* who admit the unresisting subject whiie he chokes down his
u nruliness-all this signifies fascism. Fascism lurks in the humaneness
with which Doblin allows his protagonist Biberkopf to find refuge, no less
than in films with a social slant. The ability to slip through, to survive
one's own ruin, which has superseded tragedy, is ingrained in the new generation;
its members are capable of any work, since the work process
allows them to become attached to none. One is reminded of the' sad pliability
of the soldier returning home, unaffected by the war, of the casual
laborer who finally joins rhe clandestine groups and the paramilitary organizations.
The liquidation of tragedy confirms the abolition of the individual.

Ir is nor Qnly the standardized mode of p_!_o9uction-of--clu:-c-ulrure
industry which makes the -fndi id aT ill oryio irs pr:oduccs. Individuals
arc tolerated only as far as their wholehearted identity with the universal
is beyond question. From the standardized improvisati?
n in jazz to the
Enlightenment as Mass Deception 125
original film personality who must have a lock of hair straying over her
eyes so that she can be recognized as such, pseudoindividuality reigns. The
individual trait is reduced to the ability of the universal so completely to
mold the accidental that it can be recognized as accidental. The sulky taciturnity
or the elegant walk of the individual who happens to be on show
is serially produced like the Yale locks which differ by fractions of a millimeter.
The peculiarity of the self is a socially conditioned monopoly
commodity misrepresented as natural. It is reduced to the moustache, the
Fren b..accent, the deep voice of the prostitute, the "Lubitsch touch"-like
!l fingerprint on the otherwise uniform identity _cards to which the lives
and faces of all individuals, from the film star to the convict, have beeti
s
are none but mere _i_n ersections of universal tend iesj jt_ _pg st __ e ... .J_q_
reabsorb them smoothly into the universal. Mass culture thereby reveals.
the fictitious quality which has characterized the individual -throu hour
e bourgeois era and is wrong only in priding itself on this murlcy h¥­
mony between universal and particularJbquinciple_.of.individuality was.
contradictory. frQJD .. rhe...ourset. J'ifSt, .. no individuation .was .. ever r - .lly
ac_h eyed. The class-determined . form .of self-preservation - maintained
everyone at the level of mere species being. Every bourgeois* character
e p-ressed the same thing, even and especially when deviating from it:.. the
h rsh e of competitive society. The individu ,_ . .o_n_whom .society.-was·
supported, itself bore society's taint; in the individual's apparendreedoro
he was the product of society's economic and social apparatus. Power has
always invoked the existing power relationships when seeking the approval
of those subjected to power. At the same time, the advance of bourgeois
society has promoted the development of the individual. Against the will
of those controlling it, technology has changed human beings from children
into persons. Bur all such progress of individuation has been at the
expense of the individuality in whose name it took place, leaving behind
nothing except individuals' determination to pursue their own purposes
alone. The c_itizen w ose lives are split
_
be _
e
_
e[l_
bl!siness.ancl-pr vate.life,
their
'!l
private life be nd intima9V.hri.r intima between
m'!!licy_of_marriage and the bitter so@ce of being.emi)."
alpJ]<::, at odds_ with. . r.he111selves_ and with. everyone, are virtually alreadr..
N;IZis, who arc al on .:c enthusiastic and fed up, or the city d.wellers of
126 The Culture Industry
today, who can imagine friendshjp _ o y as "social contact" betwee_n the
j ly uncorinected.-T · ipu:1 - tur iwafS
· &:rid-
.ce · . In the ready-made faces of film heroes and private
persons fabricated according to magazine-cover stereotypes, a semblance
of individuality-in which no one believes in any case-is fading,
and the love for such her dds __ i.s_nQurish !i __ by_ -- c: e !isfaction
that the effort of individuation is at last being replaced by the admitt_edl_y
more breathless one of imitation. The hope that the contradictory, disintegrating
person could not survive for generations, that the psychological
fracture within it must split the system itself, and that human beings
might refuse to tolerate the mendacious substitution of the stereotype for
the individual-that hope is vain. The unity of the personality has been
recognized as illusory since Shakespeare's Hamlet. In the synthetically
manufactured physiognomies of roday the fact that the concept of human
life ever existed is already forgotten. For centuries society has prepared for
Victor Mature and Mickey Rooney.* They come to fulfill the very individuality
they destroy.
The heroizing of the average forms part o'f the cult of cheapness. The
highest-paid stars resemble advertisements for unnamed merchandise.
Nor for nothing are they ofren chosen from the ranks of commercial models.
The dominant taste derives irs ideal from Ih_e aqy!;rtisement, from
commodified beauty. Socrates' dictum that beauty is the useful has at last
been ironicaliy fulfilled. The cinema publicizes the cultural conglomerate*
as a totality, while the radio advenises individually the products for whose
sake the cultural system exists. For a fe mins you cao se_e th.e_film.w.hich
cost millions, for..evenJe_ss --<_: _b...Y}!.Jhe c:he.w!ug gum .. b. b.ind which
stand the entii r!she q[ pe. W.Qcld__, apd - he elc:s of which increase t -s
riches still further. Through universal suffrage the vast funding of armies
is generally known and approved, if in absentia, while prostitution behind
the lines is not permitte . The best orchestras in the world, which are
none, arc delivered free of charge to the home. All this mockingly resembles
the land of milk and honey as the national community apes the
human one. Something is served up for everyone."" A provincial visiror's
wmmcr{r on the old Berlin Metropolrhearer that "it is remarkable what
can be done for the money" has long since been adopted by the culrure
industry and elevated to the substance of production itself. Not only is a
Enlightenment as Mass Deception 127
production always accompanied by triumphant celebration that it has
b :en possible at all, but to a large extent it is that triumph itself. To put
on a show means to show everyone what one has and can do. The show is
still a fairground, but one incurably infected by culture. Just as people
lured by the fairground crier overcame their disappointment inside the
booths with a brave smile, since they expected it in any case, the moviegoer
remains tolerantly loyal to the institution. But the cheapness of massp ced
luxlll)'_ art.iEks, and its com lement universal fraud are changing
the commodity character of art itself . c er is not n · ·• ·s
ct th durifull o be.in odi
B..Cllrl mce.u . Art was onl ever a e to exist as a separate sphere in irs
bour eois form. en Its freedom, as negation of rhe social uciliry which is
establishing itself through the market, is essentially conditioned by the
commodity economy. Pure works of art, which negated the commodity
character of society by simply following their own inherent laws, were at
the same time always commodities. To the extent that, up to the eighteenth
century, artists were protected from the market by patronage, they
were subjecr to the patrons and their ur oses .instead.
- et.
or ' o .art..J.S, Sustame 1
The latter's demands are so diversely mediated that the artist is
exempted from any particular claim, alrhough onJy to a certain degree,
ince his autonomy; being merely tolerated, has been attended throughout
bourgeois history by a moment of untruth, which has culminated now in
the ocial l iquidation of art. The mortally sick Beerhoven who flung away
a novel by Walter Scott with the cry: "The fellow writes for money," while
himself proving an extremely experienced and tenacious businessman in
commercializing the last quartets-works representing the most extreme
repudiation of the market-offers the most grandiose example of the
unity of the opposites of market and autonomy in bourgeois an.
pg:Kitmtion[J as
. wn
Beethoven did: he improvised on "Rage over a Lost Penny"
, nd deri ed the metaphysical inj unction "It must be," which seeks aesthencally
to annul the world's compulsion by taking that burden onto
it elf. fr m his housekeeper's demand for her monthly wages. The principle
of idealist aesthetics, purposiveness without purpose,* reverses the
128 The Culture Industry
schema socially adopted by bourgeois art: purposelessness for purposes
dictated by the market. In the demand for entertainment and relaxation,
purpose has finally consumed the realm of the purposeless. But as the
demand for the marketability of art becomes total, a shift in the inner economic
composition of cultural commodities* is becoming apparent. For
the use which is made of the work of art in antagonistic society is largely
that of confirming the very existence of the useless, which art's total subsumption
under usefulness has abolished. In adapting itself enrirely to
need, the work of art defrauds human beings in advance of the liberation
from the principle of utility which it is supposed to bring about. What
might be called use value in the reception of cultural assets is being
replaced* by exchange value; enjoyment is giving way to being there and
bei
tb
ng in the know, connoisseurship by enhanced prestige.14 smrni'ffia.
sru lttl: p
· d lo o th us s ruaon
e. * One has to have seen Mrs. Miniver,* just as one must
subscribe to life and Time. Everything is perceived only from the point of
view that it can serve as something else, however vaguely that other thing
might be envisaged. g has value only in SQ. far can be exchanged,
not in sE far as it is something 1 ) e w e tlrus , ma- - j
in i el£ - e
- Wl:lm :o-ndJ.. ill! w;:cln:;p oy. ln this way the commodity character of
art disintegrates just as it is fully realized. hJ, J&;QiT ::Q :m:&td:'I
f- P;
.
;h:anga·l5le ; but
. .
art as the sp c1es of commodity which exists in order to
be sold yet not for sale becomes something hypocritically unsaleable as
soon as the business transaction is no longer merely its intentio but its
sole principle. The Toscanini performance on the radio is, in a sense,
unsaleable. One listens to it for nothing, and each note of the symphony
is accompanied, as it were, by the sublime advertisement that the symphony
is not being imerrupted by advertisements-"This concert is
brought to you as a public service." The deception* takes place indirectly
11itl the profit of all the united au obile and--- soap manufacturers, on
whosc.payments the stations survive, and, of course, via the increased sales
of the electrical industry as rhe producer of the receiver sets. Radio, the
progressive latecomer to mass culrure, is drawing conclusions whiCh film's
pscudomarket at present denies that industry. The tec nical structure of
Enlightenment as Mass Deception 129
the commercial radio system* makes it immune to liberal deviations of the
kind the film industry can still permit itself in its own preserve. Film is a
private enterprise which already represents the sovereign whole,* in which
respect it has some advantages over the other individual combines.*
Chesterfield is merely the nation's cigarette, but the radio is irs mouthpiece.
In the total assimilation of culture products into the commodity
sphere radio makes no attempt to purvey its products as commodities. In
America it levies no duty from the public. It thereby takes on the deceptive
form of a disinterested, impartial authority, which fits fascism like a
glove. In fascism radio becomes the universal mouthpiece of the f_uhrer;
in the loudspeakers on the street his voice merges with the howl of sirens
proclaiming panic, from which modern propaganda is hard to distinguish
in any case. The National Socialists knew that broadcasting gave their
cause stature as the printing press did to the Reformation. .Euhr.eis_
metaphysical charisma, invented by the sociology of religion,* turned out
finallyr be
- erely the omnipresence of his radio addresses, which
d onically parodies that of the divine spirit. The gigantic fact that the
speech penetrates everywhere replaces its content, as the benevolent act of
the Toscanini broadcast supplants its content, the symphony. No listener
can apprehend the symphony's true coherence, while the Fuhrer's address
is in any case a lie. To posit the human word as absolute, rhe false commandment,
is the immanent tendency of radio. RecommendatiQ!l_b.e_-_
comes ommand.:_Jhe promotion of identical commodities under differem
brand names, the scientifically endorsed praise of the laxative in the
slick voice of the announcer between the .
overtures of La Traviata and
Rienzi, has become untenable if only for its silliness. One day the Diktat
of production, the specific advertisement, veiled by the semblance of
choice, can finally become the Fuhrer's overt command. In a soci ry _ __o£
large-scale fascistic ra _kets w _i_cil_ agree among t emselves on how much
of the nation:.U -
product is to be allocated to providing for the needs of the
people, to invite the people to use a particular soap powder would, in the
end, seem anachronistic. In a more mod rf11 less c_eremonio style, the
Fiihrcr directly orders both the _hol caust and the supply of trash.
Today works of art, suitably packaged like political slogans, are
pressed on a reluctant public at reduced prices by the culture industry;
1 hey arc opened up for popular enjoyment like parks. However, the ero­
\ion of their genuine commodity character docs nor mean rhat they would
130 The Culture Industry
be abolished in the life of a free society but that the last barrier to their
debasement as cultural assets has now been removed. The abolition of
educational privilege by disposing of culture ar bargain prices does nor
admit the masses to the preserves from which they were formerly excluded
but, under the existing social conditions, contributes to the decay of
education and the progress of barbaric incoherence. Someone who in the
nineteenth or early twentieth century spent money to attend a drama or a
concert, paid the performance at least as much respect as the money spent.
The citizen who wanted a return for his outlay might occasionally try to
establish some connection to the work. The guidebooks to Wagner's music
dramas or the commentaries on Faust bear wimess to this. They form a
transition to the biographical glaze applied to works of art and the other
practices to which works of art are subjected today. Even when the art
business was in the bloom of youth, use value* was not dragged along as
a mere appendage by exchange value but was developed as a precondition
of the latter, to the social b;en e fi :Jt o:f w o:rks: o!f ar t.
1 . In the culture indus cry respect IS vanishing
along with criticism: the latter gives way ro mechanical expertise,
the former to the forgetful cult of celebnues. -$i:imme l10iffii
ttiifig -e - lf e twofold mJstrust of traditlonal
-cul.rure as deology mingles wtth that of industrialized culture as
fraud. Reduced to mere adjuncts, the degraded works of art are secretly
rejected by their happy recipients along with the junk the medium has
made them resemble. The public should rejoice that there is so much to
see and hear. And indeed, eve hing is to be had. The "screenos"* and
cinema vaudevilles, the competitions in recognizing musical extracts, the
free magazines, rewards,_and gift articles handed out to the listeners of certain
radio programs are not mere accidents, but continue what is happening
to the culture products themselves. The sfi!lphony is becoming
prize fq_r Iis_te.oing..tQ dte
_
d.iQ <J.t 1, an,Q. if the techo.qlqgyJM.fl i ay_r£le
film w uld already be delivered to the apartment on the.!!':odel_ of th
radio.* It is moving towards the commercial system. Television points the
way ro a development which easily enough could push t e Warner broth-
Enlightenment as Mass Deception 131
ers* into the doubtless unwelcome position of little theatre performers and
cultural conservatives. However, the pursuit of prizes has already left its
imprint on consumer behavior. Because culture presents itself as a bonus,
with unquestioned private and social benefits, its reception has become a
matter of taking one's chances. The public crowds forward for fear of missing
something. What that might be is unclear, but, at any rate, only those
who join in have any chance. Fascism, however, hopes* to reorganize the
gift-receivers trained by the culture industry into its enforced adherents.
2;:J WJtget:...Q For this reason it merges with the advertisement.
e more meaningless the latter appears under monopoly, the
more omnipotent culture becomes. Its motives are economic enough.
That life could continue without the whole culture industry is too certain;
the satiation and apathy it generates among consumers are too great. It can
do itcle to combat this from its own resources. g:;! =W
But because its product ceaselessly reduces the pleasure it promises as
a commodiry to that mere promise, it finally coincides with the advertisement
it needs on account of its own inabiliry to please. In the competitive
society advertising performed a social service in orienti e uy-er m-ilie
market, facilitating choice and helping the more efficient but unknown
supplier to find customers. It did not merely cost labor time, but saved it.
Today, when the ftee market is coming to an end, those in control of the
system are entrenching themselves in advertising.* It strengthens tihe bond
which shackles consumers to the big combines. Only those who can keep
paying the exorbitant fees charged by the advertising agencies, and most
of all by radio itself, that is, those who are already part of the system or are
co-opted into it by the decisions of banks and industrial capital, can enter
the pseudomarket as sellers. The costs of advertising, which finally flow
back into the pockets of the combines,* spare them the troublesome task
of subduing unwanted outsiders; they guarantee that the wielders of influence
remain among their peers, not unlike the resolutions of economic
councils* which control the establishment and continuation of businesses
All-pervasive advertising is certainly not needed to acquaint
132 The Culture Industry
people with the goods on offer, the varieties of which are limited in any
case. It benefits the selling of goods only directly. The termination of a
familiar advertising campaign by an individual firm represents a loss of
prestige, and is indeed an offence against the discipline which the leading
clique imposes on its members. In wartime, commodities which can no
longer be supplied continue to be advertised merely as a display of industrial
power. At such times the subsidizing of the ideological media is more
important than the repetition of names.* Through their ubiquitous use
under the pressure of the system, advertising techniques have invaded the
idiom, the "style" of the culture industry. So complete is their triumph
that in key positions it is no longer even explicit: the imposing buildings
of the big companies,* floodlit advertisements in stone, are free of advertising,
merely displaying the illuminated company initials on their pinnacles,
with no further need of self-congratulation. By contrast, the buildings
surviving from the nineteenth century, the architecture of which still
shamefully reveals their utility as consumer goods, their function as accommodation,
are covered from basement to above roof level with hoardings
and banners: the landscape becomes a mere background for signboards
and symbols. Advertising becomes __ _sjmpl)l-ffie-ar.t-with. _which
Goebbels presciently _ qua ted it-,--l'art-ptmr I ?art; -advenisiog.Ior- advertising's
sake, the pure representati_on of social power. _In rh_ __ influei}_ti
American magazines Life and Fortune the image.s and texts of_ a verti
ments are, at a cursory glance, hardly distinguishable from the editorial
section. The enthusiastic an unpaid picture story about tl] livi_ng} abits_
and personal grooming of celebrities, which wins th_em n_e £;g1s is editorLal.
while the adve_!"!ls g__p _g -rili o _ph_ot graphs and data s
and \ifel_i rha !£_ry_ ent he ideal of informari0lli9.- whi h e edim.rial
section only aspires. Eve a preview of the next, wfilcli
promises yet again to unite the same heroic couple under the same exotic
sun: anyone arriving late cannot tell whether he is watching the trailer or
the real thing. The montage character of the culture industry, the synthetic,
controlled manner in which its products are assembled-factory-like
not only in the film studio but also, virtually, in the compilation of the
cheap biographies, journalistic novels, and hit songs-predisposes it to
advertising: the individual moment, in being detachable, replaceable,
estranged even technically from any coherence of meaning, lends itself to
purposes outside the work. The special effect, the trick, the isolated and
.
Enlightenment as Mass Deception 133
repeatable individual performance have always conspired with the exhibition
of commodities for advertising purposes, and today every close-up of
a film actress is an advert for her name, every hit song a plug for irs tune.
Advertising and the culture industry are merging technically no less than
economically. In both, the same thing appears in countless places, and the
mechanical repetition of the same culture product is already that of the
same propaganda slogan. In both, under the dictate of effectiveness, technique
is becoming psychorechnique, a procedure for manipulating human
beings. In both, rhe norms of the striking yet familiar, the easy bur catchy,
the worldly wise but straightforward hold good; everything is directed at
overpowering a customer conceived as distracted or resistant.
Through the language they speak, the customers make their own
contribution to culture as advertising. For the more completely language
coincides with communication, the more words change from substantial
carriers of meaning to signs devoid of qualities; the more purely and transparently
they communicate what they designate, the more impenetrable
they become. The demythologizing of language, as an element of the total
process of enlightenment, reverts to magic. In magic word and content
were at once different from each other and indissolubly linked. Concepts
like melancholy, history, indeed, life, were apprehended in the word which
both set them apart and preserved them. Its particular form constituted
and reflected them at the same rime. The trenchant distinction which
declares the word itself fortuitous and irs allocation to irs object arbitrary
does away with the superstitious commingling of word and thing. Anything
in a given sequence of letters which goes beyond the correlation to
the event designated is banished as unclear and as verbal metaphysics. As
a result, the word, which henceforth is allowed only to designate something
and not to mean it, becomes so fixated on the object that it hardens
to a formula. This affects language and subject matter equally. Instead of
raising a matter to the level of experience, the purified word exhibits it as
a case of an abstract moment, and everything else, severed from now
defunct expression by the demand for pitiless clarity, therefore withers in
reality also. The outside-left in football, the blackshirr,* the Hitler Youth
member, and others of rheir kind are no more than what they are called.
If, before irs rationalization, the word had set free not only longing but
lies, in irs rationalized form ir has become a straightjacket more for longing
rhan for lies. The blindness and muteness of rhe data to which posi-
134 The Culture Industry
tivism reduces the world passes over into language irself, which is limited
to registering those data. Thus relationships themselves become impenetrable,
taking on an impact, a power of adhesion and repulsion which
makes them resemble their .extreme antithesis, spells. They act once more
like the practices of a kind of sorcery, whether the name of a diva is concocted
in the studio on the basis of statistical data, or welfare government
is averted by the use of taboo-laden words such as "bureaucracy" and "intellectuals,"
or vileness exonerates irself by invoking the name of a homeland.
The name, to which magic most readily attaches, is today undergoing
a chemical change. It is being transformed into arbitrary, manipulable
designations, the power of which, although calculable, is for that reason
as willful as that of archaic names. First names, the archaic residues,
have been brought up to date either by stylizing them into advertising
brands-film stars' surnames have become first names-or by standardizing
them collectively. By contrast, the bourgeois, family name which,
instead of being a trademark, individualized Its bearers by relating them to
their own prehisrory, sounds old-fashioned. In Americans it arouses a curious
unease. To conceal the uncomfortable distance existin etween articular
peopl tliey call diemselves Bob and Harry, like replaceable members
of teams. Such form f interaction reduce human eings ro the
brotherhood of the sparring public, which prorecrs them o aternity.
Signification, the only function of the word admirred by se ,
i consummated in the sign.
m,i;rb;: id!:±ill im =il!l !ti !:£t trmmmx: o
-
e. Whether
fol ksongs are rightly or wrongly called upper-class culture which has come
down in the world, their elements have at least taken on their popular
form in a long, highly mediated process of experience. The dissemination
of popular songs, by contrast, is practically instantaneous. The American
term "fad" for fashions which catch on epidemically-inflamed by the
action of highly concentrated economic powers-referred to this phenomenon
long before totalitarian advertising bosses had laid down the
general lines of culture in their countries an.neh-a.
,w1bnJl=;n:'llciollr:i a}t' F"iffioR:raJDie:'tne=ru:;tt.
I
On the same pattern, the
narions against which rhe German Blitzkrieg was directed have adopted it
in their own jargon. The universal repetition of the term denoting such
measures makl·s the measures, too-; familiar, just as, at the time of the free
.
Enlightenment as Mass Deception 135
market,
r
the brand name on everyone's lips increased sales. T e blin and
ading..rep.ecitiorLoLdesigna_ted _w.Qt:d.S _lj_nks advertising to .. tbe_
totalitarian slogan. The layer of experience which made words human like
those who spoke them has been stripped away, and in its prompt appropriation
language takes on the coldness which hitherto was peculiar to
billboards and the advertising sections of newspapers. Countless people
use wor nd expressions w _i h.!..h y_either....ha. v.e.ceased to up._d,_erst nd. at .
all r use ocly acco;ding ; -th ir - - avi?ral fttl1C:tiom just as trademarks
:.tdhere all the more compulsively to their objecrs the less.their lingui t_ic
meaning is apprehended. The Minister of Public Education speaks ignorantly
of "dynamic forces," and the hit songs sing endlessly of "reverie"
and "rhapsody," hitching their popularity to the magic of the incomprehensible
as if to some deep intimation of a higher life. Other stereotypes,
such as "memory," are still partly comprehended, bur become detached
from the experience which might fulfill them. They obtrude into the spoken
language like enclaves. On the German radio of Flesch and Hider
they are discernible in the affected diction of the announcer, who pronounces
phrases like "Goodnight, listeners," or "This is the Hitler Youth
speaking," or even "the Fuhrer" with an inflection which passes into the
mother tongue of millions. In such turns of phrase the last bond between
sedimented experience and language, which still exerted a reconciling influence
in dialect in the nineteenth century, is severed. By contrast, in the
hands of the editor whose supple opinions have promoted him to the status
of Schriftleiter,* German words become petrified and alien. In any
word one can distinguish how far it has been disfigured by the fascist
"folk" community. By now, of course, such language* has become universal,
totalitarian. The violence done to words is no longer audible in them.
The radio announcer does not need to talk in an aff ected voice; indeed, he
would be impossible if his tone differed from that of his designated listeners.
This means, however, that the language and gestures of listeners
and spectators are more deeply permeated by the patterns of the culture
industry than ever before, in nuances still beyond the reach of experimental
methods. Today the culture industry has taken over the civilizing inheritance
of the frontier and entrepreneurial democracy, whose receptivity to
intdlecrual deviations was never too highly developed. All are free to
dance and amuse themselves, just as, since the historical neutralization of
religion, they have been free 10 join any of the countless sects. Bur free-
136 The Culture Industry
dom to choose an ideology, which always reflects economic coercion,
everywhere proves to be freedom to be the same. The way in which the
young girl accepts and performs the obligatory date, the tone of voice used
on the telephone and in the most intimate situations, the choice of words
in conversation, indeed, the whole inner life compartmentalized according
to the categories of vulgarized depth psychology, bears wimess to the attempt
to turn oneself into an apparatus meeting the requirements of success,
an apparatus which even in its unconscious impulses, conforms to
rhe model presented by the culture industry. The most intimate reactions
of human beings have become so entirely reified, even to themselves, that
the idea of anything peculiar ro them survives only in extreme abstraction:
personality means hardly more than d g white teeth and freedom
from body odor and emotions.
ltw;
Elements of Anti-Semitism:
Limits of Enlightenment
Anti-Semitism today is for some a question affecting human destiny
and for others a mere pretext. For the fascists the Jews are not a minority
but the amirace, the negative principle as such; on their extermination the
world's happiness depends. Diametrically opposed to this is the thesis that
the Jews, free of national or racial features, form a group through religious
belief and tradition and nothing else. Jewish traits relate to Eastern Jews,
and only to those not yet assimilated. Both doctrines are true and false at
the same time.
The first is true in the sense that fascism has made it true. The Jews
are today the group which, in practice and in theory, draws to itself the
destructive urge which the wrong social order spontaneously produces.
They are branded as absolute evil by absolute evil. In this sense they are
indeed the chosen people. Now that power is no longer needed for economic
reasons,* the Jews are designated as its absolute object, existing
merely for the exercise of power. The workers,* who are the real target, are
understandably not told as much ro their faces; the blacks must be kept in
their place, bur the Jews are to be wiped from the face of the earth, and
the: call to exterminate them like vermin finds an echo among the prospective
fascists of all countries. In the image of the Jew which the racial
nationalists hold up before the world they express their own essence. Their
l raving is for exclusive ownership, appropriation,* unlimited power, and
138 Elements of Anti-Semitism
at any price. The Jew, burdened with his tormentors' guilt, mocked as their
lord, they nail to the cross, endlessly repeating a sacrifice in whose power
they are unable to believe.
The other, liberal thesis is true as an idea. It contains an image of the
society in which rage would no longer reproduce irself or seek qualities on
which to be discharged.* But by assuming the unity of humanity to have
been already realized in principle, the liberal thesis serves as an apology for
the existing order. The attempt to avert the direst threat by minority policies
and other democratic measures is ambiguous as is the defensive strategy
of the last liberal citizens. Their powerlessness attracts the enemy of
powerlessness. The mode of life and appearance of the Jews compromise
the existing universal by deficient adaptation. Their inflexible adherence to
their own order of life has placed them in an insecure relationship to the
prevailing one. They expected to be sustained by that order without subscribing
to it. Their relationship to the dominant nations was one of greed
and fear. Yet whenever they sacrificed their difference to the prevailing
mode, the successfully adapted Jews took on in exchange the cold, stoical
character which existing society* imposes on human beings. The dialectical
intertwinement of enlightenment and power, the dual relationship of
progress to both cruelty and liberation, which has been brought home to
the Jews no less by the great exponents of enlightenment than by -democratic
popular movements, manifests itself in the makeup of the assimilated
Jews themselves. The enlightened self-control with which adapted Jews
effaced within themselves the painful scars of domination by others, a
kind of second circumcision, made them forsake their own dilapidated
community and wholeheartedly embrace the life of the modern bourgeoisie,
which was already advancing ineluctably toward a reversiop. to
pure oppression and reorganization into an exclusively racial emity. Race
is not, as the racial nationalists claim, an immediate, narural peculiarity.
Rather, it is a regression to nature as mere violence, to the hidebound particularism
which, in the exi ting order,* constitutes precisely the universal.
Race today is the self-assertion of the bourgeois individual, integrated into
the barbaric collective. The harmonious society to which the liberal Jews
dcclared,their allegiance has finally been granted to them in the form of
the national community. They believed that only anti-Semitism disfigured
this order, which in reality cannot exist without disfiguring human beings.
Limits of Enlightenment 139
The persecution of the Jews, Like any persecution, cannot be separated
from that order.* Its essence, however it may hide itself at times, is the violence
which today is openly revealed.
II
Anti-Semitism as a popular movement has always been driven by the
urge of which irs instigators accuse the social democrats: to make everyone
the same. Those without the power to command must fare no better than
ordinary people. From the German civil servant to the Negroes in Harlem,
those avidly emulating their betters have always known that they
would really gain nothing but the satisfaction of seeing others no better off
than themselves. The Aryanization of Jewish property, which in any case
primarily benefited those at the top, enriched the masses in the Third
Reich hardly more than the wretched booty pillaged from Jewish quarters
enriched the Cossacks. The real benefit it brought was a half-understood
ideology. That the demonstration of its economic futility heightened rather
than moderated the attraction of the racialist panacea points to its true
nature: it does not help human beings bur assuages their urge to destroy.
The actual advantage enjoyed by the racialist comrade is that his rage will
be sanctioned by the collective. The less he gains in any other way, the
more obstinately, against better knowledge, he clings to the movement.
Anti-Semitism has proved immune to the charge of inadequate profitabiliry.
For the common people it is a luxury.
Its usefulness for the rulers is evident. It serves as a distraction, a
cheap means of corruption, a terrorist warning. The respectable rackets
condone it, the disreputable ones* carry it out. But the form of the menraliry,
both social and individual, which manifests itself in anti-Semitism,
the primeval-historical entrapment from which it is a desperate attempt to
escape, remains wholly obscure. If a malady so deeply embedded in civilization
is not properly accounted for by knowledge, the individual, too,
though he may be as well intentioned as the victim himself, cannot mitigate
it through understanding. The plausibly rational, economic, and
political explanations and counterarguments-however correct their individual
observations-cannot appease it, since rationaliry itself, through its
link to power, is submerged in the same malady. Whether blindly dealing

140 Elements of Anti-Semitism
out blows or blindly fending them off, persecutors and victims form part
of the same calamitous cycle. Anti-Semitic behavior is unleashed in situations
in which blinded people, deprived of subjectivity, are let loose as subjects.
Their actions-for those involved-are lethal yet meaningless reactions,
of the kind which behaviorists register but fail to interpret. AntiSemitism
is a well-rehearsed pattern, indeed, a ritual of civilization, and
the pogroms are the true ritual murders. They demonstrate the impotence
of what might have restrained them-reflection, meaning, ultimately
truth. The mindless pastime of beating people to death confirms the drab
existence to which one merely conforms.
The blindness of anti-Semitism, its lack of intention, lends a degree
of truth to the explanation of the movement as a release valve. Rage is
vented on those who are both conspicuous and unprotected. And j ust as,
depending on the constellation, the victims are interchangeable: vagrants,"'
Jews, Protestants, Catholics, so each of them can replace the murderer, in
the same blind lust for killing, as soon as he feels the power of representing
the norm. There is no authentic anti-Semitism, and certainly no born
anti-Semite. The older adults to whom the call for Jewish blood has
become second nature are as ignorant of the reason as the young people
who have to shed it. The high-placed instigators, who know clie reason,
neither hate the Jews nor love their own followers. The latter, however,
who always go short, economically and sexually, hate without end; they
find relaxation unbearable because they do not know fulfillment. Indeed,
rhe organized robbers and murder rs are animated by a kind of dynamic
idealism. Setting our on their pillages, they construct a grandiose ideology
for what they do, with fatuous talk of saving the family, the fatherland,
humanity. But as they remain the dupes they secretly suspect themselves
to be, their pitiful rational motive, the theft which was supposed to rationalize
the deed, is finally discarded entirely, and the rationalization
becomes truthful against its will. The obscure impulse which was always
more congenial to them than reason takes them over completely. The
rational island sinks beneath the flood, and those desperately floundering
now appear only as defenders of truth, restorers of the earth, which has to
be reformed to its farthest corners. All living things become material for
their ghastly duty, which now flinches at nothing. Action becomes a purpose
in itself, cloaking its own purposelessness. Anti-Semitism always
stans with an appeal to complete the task. Anti-Semitism and totality have
.

Limits of Enlightenment 141
always been profoundly connected. Blindness encompasses everything
because it comprehends nothing.
Liberalism had granted the Jews property, but without the authority
to command. The purpose of human rights was to promise happiness even
where power was lacking. Because the cheated masses are dimly aware that
this promise, being universal, remains a lie as long as classes exist, it arouses
their anger; they feel themselves scorned. They must constantly repress
the thought of that happiness, even as a possibility, an idea, and they deny
it all the more fiercely the more its rime has come. Wherever it appears to
be realized amid the systematic deprivation, they must reenact the suppression
which has been applied to their own longing. Whatever that reenactment
is directed against, however unhappy it may itself be-Ahasuerus
and Mignon, exoticism which evokes the promised land, beauty which
summons the thought of sex, the animal whose him of promiscuity condemns
it as repulsive-draws down on itself rhe destructive fury of the
civilized, who can never fully complete the painful process of civilization.
To those who compulsively control it, tormented nature provocatively
reflects back the appearance of powerless happiness. The idea of happiness
without power is unendurable because it alone would be happiness. The
fantasy of the conspiracy of lascivious Jewish bankers who finance
Bolshevism is a sign of innate powerlessness, the good life an emblem of
happiness. These are joined by the image of the intellectual, who appears
to enjoy in thought what the others deny themselves and is spared the
sweat of toil and bodily strength. The banker and the intellectual, money
and mind, the exponents of circulation, are the disowned wishful image of
those mutilated by power, an image which power uses to perpetuate itself.
I l l
The present society, in which primitive religious feelings, new cults,
and the legacy of revolutions are peddled in the market, in which the fascist
leaders barter the land and lives of nations behind locked doors while
the public lulled by their radio sets calculate the cost; this society in which
even the word which unmasks it doubles as an invitation to join a political
racket; in which no longer is politics merely business but business is the
whole of pol tics-this society is scandalized by the Jew with his obsolete
shopkeeper's mannerisms, labeling him a materialist, a haggler, who should
142 Elements of Anti-Semitism
make way for the pioneering spirit of those who have elevated business to
an absolute.
Bourgeois anti-Semitism has a specific economic purpose: to conceal
domination in production. If in earlier epochs the rulers were directly
repressive, so that they not only left work exclusively to the lower orders
but declared it the ignominy it always was under domination, in the age
of mercantilism the absolute monarch transformed himself into the supreme
master of manufactories. Production became presentable at court.
Finally, as bourgeois, the masters replaced their colorful robes with civilian
dress. Work is no disgrace, they said-the more rationally to take possession
of* that of others. Aligning themselves with the productive elements,
they remained the parasites of old.* The factory owner ventured
and ral{ed in like a great merchant or banker. He calculated, procured,
bought, sold. In the market he competed with the merchants and bankers
for the profit due to his capital. But he grabbed not merely from the market
but from the source: as a functionary of the class system he took care
not to go short of the fruits of his workers' labor. The workers had to deliver
as much as possible. Like a true Shylock he insisted on his coimact. By
virtue of owning the machines and materials, he forced the others to produce.
He called himself the producer, but he and everyone secretly knew
the truth. The productive work of the capitalist, whether he justified his
profit as the reward of enterprise, as under liberalism, or as the director's
salary, as today, was the ideology which concealed the nature of the labor
contract and the rapacity of the 1
economic system in general.*
That is why people shout: "Stop thief!"-and point at the Jew. He
is indeed the scapegoat, not only for individual maneuvers and machinations
bur in the wider sense that the economic injustice of the whole class
is attributed to him. The factory owner has his debtors, the workers, under
observation in his factory and can check their performance before he parts
with his money. They only find out the true nature of the exchange only
when they see what they can buy with it: the smallest magnate has access
to a quantity of services and goods available to no ruler before him; but
the workers receive what is called the cultural minimum. Not content with
letting the market tell them how few goods can be theirs, the salesman
sings the praises of those they cannot afford. Only the relationship of
wages to prices expresses what is withheld"' from the workers. With their
wages they have accepted the principle of just remuneration. The mer-
Limits of Enlightenment 143
chant presents them with the promissory note they have signed on behalf
of the manufacturer. The merchant is the bailiff for the whole system, taking
upon himself the odium due to the others. That the circulation sphere
is responsible for exploitation is a socially necessary illusion.
The Jews had not been the only people active in the circulation
sphere. But they had been locked up in it too long not to reflect in their
makeup something of the hatred so long directed at that sphere. Unlike
their Aryan colleagues, they were largely denied access to the source of
added value. Only at a late stage and with difficulty were they allowed to
gain ownership of the means of production. To be sure, in the history of
Europe, and even in imperial Germany, baptized Jews had reached high
positions in administration and industry. Bur they always had to justify
this with redoubled devotion and diligence, and stubborn self-denial.
They were only admined if, through their behavior, they tacitly adopted
and confirmed the verdict on the other Jews: that is the purpose of baptism.
All the great achievements of their prominent members were not
enough to allow Jews to be admitted to the peoples of Europe; having
been prevented from putting down roots they were then criticized as rootless.
They always remained the protected Jews, dependent on emperors,
princes, or the absolutist state. These patrons were economically more
advanced than the rest of the population. To the extent that they could
make use of the Jew as an intermediary, they protected him against the
masses who had to foot the bill for progress. The Jews were the colonizers
of progress. Having helped as merchants to disseminate Roman civilization
throughout Gentile Europe, they became, in keeping with their patriarchal
religion, representatives of urban, civic, and finally industrial conditions.
As bearers of capitalist modes of existence from country to country
they earned the hatred of those who suffered under that system. For
the sake of the economic progress which today is their downfall the Jews
were from the first a thorn in the side of the craftsmen and farmers whose
status capitalism undermined. Now it is their turn to bear the brunt of its
exclusive, particularist character. They, who always wanted to be first, are
left far behind. Even the Jewish head of an American entertainment trust
is hopelessly defensive amid his wealth. The caftan was the ghostly residue
of ancient civic dress. Today it is a sign that its wearers have been flung to
rhe margins of a society* which, now wholly enlightened, is exorcising the
spirits of its prehistory. They who propagated individualism, abstract law,
144 Elements of Anti-Semitism
the concept of the person, have been debased to a species. They who were
never allowed untroubled ownership of the civic right which should have
granted them human dignity are again called "the Jews" without distinction.
Even in the nineteenth century the Jew remained dependent on an
alliance with the central authority. The general law, protected by the state,
was the guarantor of his safety, and the exceptive law the specter which
ensured his docility. He remained an object, dependent on grace and
favor, even when claiming his rights. Trade was not his vocation, it was his
fare. The Jews were the trauma of the knights of industry, who have to
masquerade as productive crearors. * In the Jewish jargon they detect what
they secretly despise in themselves: their anti-Semitism is self-hare, the bad
conscience of the parasite.
IV
Nationalist anti-Semitism seeks to disregard religion. It claims to be
concerned with purity of race and nation. Its exponents notice that people
have long ceased to trouble themselves about eternal salvation.* The
average believer today is as crafty as only cardinals were in former times.
To accuse the Jews of being obdurate unbelievers is no longer enough to
incite the masses. But the religious hostility which motivated the persecution
of the Jews for two millennia is far from completely extinguished.
Rather, anti-Semitism's eagerness to deny its religious tradition indicates
that that tradition is secretly rto less deeply embedded in it than secular
idiosyncrasy once was in religious zealotry. Religion has been incorporated
as cultural heritage, not abolished. The alliance between enlightenment
and power has debarred from consciousness the moment of rrv.th in religion
while conserving its reified forms. Both circumstances finally benefit
fascism: the unchanneled longing is guided into racial-nationalist rebellion,
while the descendants of the evangelistic zealots are converted into
conspirators of blood communities and elite guards, on the model of the
Wagnerian knights of the Grail. In this way religion as an institution is
partly meshed directly into the system and partly transposed into the
pomp ,of mass culture and parades. The fanatical faith on which leader and
followers pride themselves is no other than the grim doctrine which was
earlier used to discipline the desperate, except that its content has gone
astray. That content lives on only as hatred of those who do not share the
'
Limits of Enlightenment 145
faith. Among rhe "German Christians,"* all that remained of the religion
of love was anti-Semitism.
Christianity is not only a regression beyond Judaism. The latter's
God, in passing from a henotheistic to a universal form, did not entirely
shed the features of the nature demon. The terror originating in remote
preanimist times passes from nature into the concept of the absolute self
which, as its creator and ruler, entirely subjugates nature. Despite the ineffable
power and splendor in which such alienation clothes it, that ruler is
still attainable to thought, which becomes universal through this very relationship
to something supreme, transcendental. God as spirit is the principle
opposed to nature; it not only stands for nature's blind cycle as do all
the mythical gods, but offers liberation from it. But in its remote abstractness,
the incommensurable has at the same time become more terrible,
and the pitiless statement: "I am who am," which tolerates nothing beside
itself, surpasses in its inescapable power the blinder and therefore more
ambiguous j udgment of anonymous fate. The God of Judaism demands
what he is owed and settles accounts with the defaulter. He enmeshes his
creatures in a tissue of debt and credit, guilt and merit. In contrast,
Christianity emphasized the moment of grace, although that, too, is contained
in Judaism, in God's covenant with men and in the Messianic
promise. It softened the terror of the absolute by allowing the creature to
find itself reflected in the deity: the divine mediator is called by a human
name and dies a human death. His message is: fear not; the law yields
before faith; love becomes greater than any majesty, the only commandment.

But by virtue of the same moments by which it lifted the spell of
nature religion, Christianity is producing ideology once again, in a spiritualized
form. To the same degree a'i the absolute is brought closer to the
finite, the finite is made absolute. Christ, the incarnated spirit, is the deified
sorcerer. The human self-reflection in the absolute, the humanization
of God through Christ, is the proton pseudos [first substitution] . The progress
beyond Judaism is paid for with the assertion that the mortal Jesus was
God. The harm is done precisely by the reflective moment of Christianity,
the spiritualization of magic. A spiritual essence is attributed to something
which mind identifies as natural. Mind consists precisely in demonstrating
the contradiction inherent in such pretensions of the finite. Bad cons icnce
is therefore ohligeJ to present the prophet as a symbol, the magi-
146 Elements of Anti-Semitism

cal practice as transubstantiation. It is that which makes Christianity a
religion, and, in a sense, the only one: an intellectual link to something
intellectually suspect, a special sphere of culture. Like the great Asiatic
belief systems, pre-Christian Judaism was hardly separable from national
life, from collective self-preservation. The reshaping of the heathen ritual
of sacrifice not only took place in worship and in the mind but determined
the form of the labor process. In providing the schema for the latter, sacrifice
becomes rational. The taboo is transformed into the rational organization
of the work process. It regulates administration in war and peace,
sowing and harvesting, food preparation and slaughter. Although the rules
may not arise from rational reflection, rationality arises from them. The
effort of primitive peoples to free themselves from immediate fear engendered
among them the institution of ritual; this was refined by Judaism
into the sanctified rhythm of family and national life. The priests were
appointed to watch over the proper observance of custom. Their function
within the power structure was clearly displayed in theocratic practice;
Christianity, however, wanted to remain spiritual even where it aspired to
power. In ideology it repudiated self-preservation by the ultimate sacrifice,
that of the man-god, but thereby relegated devalued life to the sphere
of the profane: it abolished the law of Moses but rendered what was
theirs unto both God and Caesar. Secular authority is either confirmed or
usurped, while Christianity acquires a license to manage salvation. Selfpreservation
is to be conquered;though the imitation of Christ-by order.
In this way self-sacrificing love '
is stripped of its naivety, severed from natural
love and turned w account as credit. The love mediated by ecclesiastical
knowledge is presented as immediate love, in which nature and the
supernatural are reconciled. Therein lies its untruth: in the fraudulently
affirmative interpretation of self-forgetting.
That interpretation is fraudulent because the church depends for its
existence on people's belief that they will attain salvation by following its
teaching, whether that teaching demands works like the Catholic version
or faith like the Protestant, yet cannot guarantee that goal. The nonbinding
nature of the religious promise of salvation, the Jewish and negative
moment in the Christian doctrine, by which magic and finally the church
itself arc rclativized, is tacitly ignored by naive believers, for whom
Christianity, supranaturalism, becomes a magic ritual, a nature religion.
They believe only by forgetting their belief. They convi,ncc themselves of
Limits of Enlightenment 147
the certainty of their knowledge like astrologers or spiritualists. That is not
necessarily worse than spiritualized theology. The old Italian lady who
with devour simplicity consecrates a candle to St Gennaro to protect her
grandson in the war may be closer to the truth than the high priests and
pontiffs who, untainted by idolatry, bless the weapons against which St
Gennaro is powerless. To the simple, however, religion itself becomes a
substitute for religion. Christianity had some awareness of this from its
earliest days, but it was only the paradoxical Christians, the antiofficial
thinkers from Pascal through Lessing and Kierkegaard to Barth, who
made it the keystone of their theology. In this awareness they were not
only rhe radical Christians but rhe tolerant ones. The others, who repressed
that knowledge and with bad conscience convinced themselves of
Christianity as a secure possession, were obliged to confirm their eternal
salvation by the worldly ruin of those who refused to make the murky sacrifice
of reason. That is the religious origin of anti-Semitism. The adherents
of the religion of the Son hated the supporters of the religion of the
Father as one hates those who know better. This is the hostility of spirit
hardened as faith in salvation for spirit as mind. What is vexatious for the
Christian enemies of the Jews is the truth which withstands evil without
rationalizing it, and clings to the idea of unearned beatitude in disregard
of worldly actions and the order of salvation which allegedly bring it
about. Anti-Semitism is supposed to confirm that the ritual of faith and
history is justified by ritually sacrificing those who deny irs justice.
v
"I simply can't abide you-so don't forget it," says Siegfried to
Mime, who is trying to win his love. The stock reply of all anti-Semites is
1 he appeal to idiosyncrasy. Society's emancipation from anti-Semitism
depends on whether the content of that idiosyncrasy is raised to the level
of a concept and becomes aware of its own senselessness. But idiosyncrasy
;\I taches itself to the peculiar. The universal, that which fits into the conlexr
of social utility, is regarded as natural. But anything natural which has
nol been absorbed inro utility by passing through the cleansing channels
of conceptual order-the screech of stylus on slate which sets the teeth on
l"dgc, 1he haut gottt which brings to mind filth and corruption, the sweat
which appears on the brow of the diligent-whatever is not quite assimi-
148 Elements of Anti-Semitism
lated, or infringes the commands in which the progress of centuries has
been sedimented, is felt as intrusive and arouses a compulsive aversion.
The motifs which trigger such idiosyncrasy are those which allude
to origin. They recreate moments of biological prehistory: danger signs
which made the hair stand on end and the heart stop. In the idiosyncratic
aversion individual organs escape the subject's control, autonomously
obeying fundamental biological stimuli. The self which experiences itself
in such reactions-rigidity of the skin, muscles, and limbs-is not quite
master of them. For a few moments they mimic the motionlessness of surrounding
nature. But as what is mobile draws closer to the immobile,
more highly developed life to mere nature, it is also estranged from it,
since immobile nature, which living creatures, like Daphne, seek with utmost
agitation to become, is capable only of the most external, spatial relationships.
Space is absolute alienation. Where the human seeks to resemble
nature, at the same time it hardens itself against it. Protection as petrified
terror is a form of camouflage. These numb human reactions are
archaic patterns of self-preservation: the tribute life pays for its continued
existence is adaptation to death.
Civilization replaced the organic adaptation to otherness, mimetic
behavior proper, firstly, in the magical phase, with the organized manipulation
of mimesis, and finally, in the historical phase, with rational praxis,
work. Uncontrolled mimesis is proscribed. The angel which, with fiery
sword, drove humans out of paradise and on to the path of technical
\
progress, is itself the symbol of that progress. The severity with which, over
the centuries, the rulers have prevented both their own successors and the
subjugated masses from relapsing into mimetic behavior-from the religious
ban on graven images through the social ostracizing of actors and
gypsies to the education which "cures" children of childishness-is the
condition of civilization. Social and individual education reinforces the
ob[ectif)ring behavior required by work and prevents people from submerging
themselves once more in the ebb and flow of surrounding nature.
All distraction, indeed, all devotion has an element of mimicry. The ego
has been forged by hardening itself against such behavior. The transition
from reflecting mimesis to controlled reflection completes its formation.
Bodily adaptation to nature is replaced by "recognition in a concept,"* the
subsuming of difference under sameness. However, the constellation under
which sameness is established, both the direct sameness of mimesis and the
.
Limits of Enlightenment 149
indirect sameness of synthesis, the adaptation of the self to the thing in the
blind act of living no less than the comparison of reified elements in scientific
conceptualizacion-that constellation remains terror. Society perpetuates
the threat from nature as the permanent, organized compulsion
which, reproducing itself in individuals as systematic self-preservation,
rebounds against nature as society's control over it. Science is repetition,
refined to observed regularity and preserved in stereotypes. The mathematical
formula is consciously manipulated regression, just as the magic
ritual was; it is the most sublimated form of mimicry. In technology the
adaptation to lifelessness in the service of self-preservation is no longer
accomplished, as in magic, by bodily imitation of external nature, but by
automating mental processes, turning them into blind sequences. With irs
triumph human expressions become both controllable and compulsive. All
that remains of the adaptation to nature is rhe hardening against it. The
camouflage used to protect and strike terror today is the blind mastery of
nature, which is identical to farsighted instrumentality.
In the bourgeois mode of production the ineradicable mimetic heritage
present in all praxis is consigned to oblivion. The pitiless ban on
regression appears like an edict of fate; the denial is so total that it is no
longer registered consciously. Those blinded by civilization have contact
with their own tabooed mimetic traits only through certain gestures and
forms of behavior they encounter in others, as isolated, shameful residues
in their rationalized environment. What repels them as alien is all too
familiar. 1 It lurks in the contagious gestures of an immediacy suppressed
by civilization: gestures of touching, nestling, soothing, coaxing. What
makes such impulses repellent today is their ourmodedness. In seeking to
win over the buyer with flattery, the debtor with threats, the creditor with
supplicarion, they appear to translate long-reified human relationships
back into those of personal power. Any emotion is finally embarrassing;
mere excitement is preferable. All unmanipulated expression appears like
the grimace which the manipulated expression-of the film actor, the
lynch mob, the Fiihrer's speech-always was. Undisciplined mimicry is
the brand burned by the old domination into the living substance of the
dominated, and is inherited through an unconscious process of imitation
in early childhood from generation to generation, from the Jewish rags­
.llld-bones man to rhe banker. Such mimicry provokes anger, because it
puts on show, in face of rhe new relationships of production, the old fear
150 Elements of Anti-Semitism
which one has had to forget in order to survive them. It is the compulsive
moment in behavior, the rage of the tormentor and of the tormented,
reappearing indistinguishably in the grimace, that triggers the specific rage
of civilized people. Impotent appearance is answered by deadly reality,
play by seriousness.
The grimace seems like play-acting because, instead of performing
serious work, it prefers to portray displeasure. It appears to evade the seriousness
of life by admitting it without restraint: therefore it is false. But
expression is the painful echo of overwhelming power, violence which
finds utterance in complaint. It is always overdone, no matter how heartfelt
it may be, because, as in each work of art, the whole world seems contained
in every plaintive sound. Only activity is proportionate. It, and not
mimesis, can bring an end to suffering. But its consequence is the rigid,
unmoved visage, culminating, at the end of this age, in the baby faces of
the practical men, the politicians, priests, managing directors, racketeers.
The strident voices of fascist rabble-rousers and camp commanders show
the reverse side of the same social condition. The screaming is as coldblooded
as business. Even the plaintive sounds of nature are appropriated
as an element of technique. The bellowing of these orators is to the
pogrom what its howling klaxon is to the German flying bomb: the cry of
terror which announces terror is mechanically switched on. The screamers
deliberately use the wail of the victim, which first called violence by its
name, and even the mere w9rd which designates the victim-Frenchman,
Negro, Jew-to induce in themselves the desperation of the persecuted
who have to hit out. They are the false likeness of the terrified mimesis.
They reproduce within themselves the insatiability of the power of which
they are afraid. Everything must be used, everything must belong to them.
The mere existence of the other is a provocation. Everyone else "gets in the
way'' and must be shown their limits-the limits of limitless horror. No
one who seeks shelter shall find it; those who express what everyone
craves-peace, homeland, freedom-will be denied it, just as nomads and
traveling players have always been refused rights of domicile. Whatever
someone fears, that is done to him. Even the last resting place shall be
none. The despoiling of graveyards is not an excess of anti-Semitism; it is
a nti-Semitism itself. Those evicted compulsively arouse the lust to evict
rhcm even here. The marks left on them by violence endlessly inflame violence.
A!
1yrh ing which merely wants to vegetate must 9e rooted out. The
Limits ofEnlightt·mnmt 151
chaotically regular flight reactions of the lower animals, the patterns of
swarming crowds, rhe convulsive gestures of the tortured-all these express
what wretched life can never quite control: the mimetic impulse. In
the death throes of the creature, at the furthest extreme from freedom,
freedom itself irresistibly shines fonh as the thwarted destiny of matter. It
is against this freedom that the idiosyncratic aversion, the purported motive
of anti-Semitism, is ultimately directed.
The psychic energy harnessed by political anti-Semitism is this rationalized
idiosyncrasy. All the gesticulations devised by the Fuhrer and his
followers are pretexts for giving way to the mimetic temptation without
openly violating the reality principle-with honor, as it were. They detest
the Jews and imitate them constantly. There is no anti-Semite who does
not feel an instinctive urge to ape what he rakes to be Jewishness. The
same mimetic codes are constandy used: the argumentative jerking of the
hands, the singing tone of voice, which vividly animates a situation or a
feeling independently of judgment, and the nose, that physiognomic principittm
individuationis, which writes the individual's peculiarity on his
face. In the ambiguous partialities of the sense of smell the old nostalgia
for what is lower lives on, the longing for immediate union with surrounding
nature, with earth and slime. Of all the senses the act of
smelling, which is attracted without objectifying, reveals most sensuously
the urge to lose oneself in identification with the Other. That is why smell,
as both the perception and the perceived-which are one in the act of
olfaction-is more expressive than other senses. When we see we remain
who we are, when we smell we are absorbed entirely. In civiliza ion, therefore,
smell is regarded as a disgrace, a sign of the lower social orders, lesser
races, and baser animals. The civilized person is allowed to give way to
such desires only if the prohibition is suspended by rationalization in the
service of practical purposes, real or apparent. One is allowed to indulge
the outlawed drive if acting with the unquestionable aim of expunging it.
This is manifested in the practical joke. It is a wretched parody of fulfillment.
The mimetic function is sneeringly enjoyed as something despised
and self-despising. Anyone who sniffs out "bad" smells in order to extirpate
them may imitate to his heart's content the snuffling which takes its
unrationalized pleasure in the smell itself. Disinfected by the civilized sniffer's
absolute identification with the prohibiting agency, the forbidden
impulse eludes the prohibition. If it crosses the threshold, the response is
152 Elements of Anti-Semitism
laughter. That is the schema of the anci-Semitic reaction. The anti-Semites
gather to celebrate the moment when authority lifts the ban; that moment
alone makes them a collective, constituting the community of kindred
spirits. Their ranting is organized laughter. The more dreadful the accusations
and threats, the greater the fury, the more withering is the scorn.
Rage, mockery, and poisoned imitation are fundamentally the same thing.
The purpose of the fascist cult of formulae, the ritualized discipline, the
uniforms, and the whole allegedly irrational apparatus, is to make possible
mimetic behavior. The elaborate symbols proper to every counterrevolutionary
movement, the death's heads and masquerades, the barbaric drumming,
the monotonous repetition of words and gestures, are so many
organized imitations of magical practices, the mimesis of mimesis. The
Fuhrer, with his ham-actor's facial expressions and the hysterical charisma
turned on with a switch, leads the dance. In his performance he acts out
by proxy and in effigy what is denied to everyone else in reality. Hider can
gesticulate like a clown, Mussolini risk false notes like a provincial tenor,
Goebbels talk as glibly as the Jewish agent whose murder he is recommending,
Coughlin* preach love like the Savior himself, whose crucifiXion
he impersonates for the sake of yet more bloodshed. Fascism is also
totalitarian in seeking to place oppressed nature's rebellion against domination
directly in the service of domination.
This mechanism needs the Jews. Their artificially heightened visibility
acts on the legitimate son of Gentile civilization like a kind of magnetic
field. In being made aware, through his very difference from the Jew, of
the humanity they have in common, the rooted Gentile is overcome by a
feeling of something antithetical and alien. In this way the tabooed
impulses which run counter to work in its dominant form are converted
into conforming idiosyncrasies. Against this the economic position of the
Jews, the last defrauded fraudsters of the liberal ideology, offers no reliable
protection. Because they are so eminently suited to generating these inductive
psychic currents they are unresistingly allocated to such functions.
They s are the fate of the rebellious nature for which fascism substitutes
them, being put to use with the perspicuity of the blind. It makes little difference
whether the Jews as individuals really display the mimetic traits
which cause the malign infection or whether those traits are merely imputed.
If the holders of economic power have once overcome their fear of
employing fascist agents, in face of the Jews the harmony of the national
Limits of Enlightenment 1 53
community is automatically established. They are sacrificed by the dominant
order when, through its increasing estrangement from nature, it has
reverted to mere nature. The Jews as a whole are charged with practicing
forbidden magic and bloody rituals. Disguised as an accusation, the subliminal
craving of the indigenous population to revert to mimetic sacrificial
practices is joyously readmitted to their consciousness. Once the horror
of the primeval age, sent packing by civilization, has been rehabilitated
as a rational interest through projection onto the Jews, there is no holding
back. It can be acted our in reality, and the evil which is acted our surpasses
even the evil content of the projection. The popular nationalist fantasies
of Jewish crimes, of infanticide and sadistic excesses, of racial poisoning
and international conspiracy, precisely define the anti-Semitic
dream, and fall short of its realization. Once things have gone so far, the
mere word Jew appears like the bloody grimace whose image-skull and
mangled cross in one-is unfurled on the swastika flag; the fact that
someone is called a Jew acts as a provocation to set about him until he
resembles that image.
Civilization is the triumph of society over nature-a triumph which
transforms everything into mere nature. The Jews themselves, over the
millennia, have played their part in this, with enlightenment no less than
with cynicism. As the oldest surviving patriarchy, the incarnation of
monotheism, they converted taboos into maxims of civilization while the
others were still enmeshed in magic. The Jews appeared to have successfully
achieved what Christianity had attempted in vain: the disempowerment
of magic by means of its own strength, which, as worship of God, is
turned against itself. They have not so much eradicated the adaptation to
nature as elevated it to the pure duties of ritual. In this way they have preserved
its reconciling memory, without relapsing through symbols into
mythology. They are therefore regarded by advanced civilization as both
backward and too advanced, like and unlike, shrewd and stupid. They are
pronounced guilty of what, as the first citizens, they were the first to subdue
in themselves: the susceptibility to the lure of base instincts, the urge
toward the beast and the earth, the worship of images. Because they
invented the concept of the kosher, they are persecuted as swine. The antiSemites
appoint themselves executors of the Old Testament: they see to it
that the Jews, having eaten of the Tree of Knowledge, unto dust shall
return.
154 Elements of Anti-Semitism
VI
Anti-Semitism is based on false projection. It is the reverse of genuine
mimesis and has deep affinities to the repressed; in fact, it may itself
be the pathic character trait in which the latter is precipitated. If mimesis
makes itself resemble its surroundings, false projection makes its surroundings
resemble itself. If, for the former, the outward becomes the
model to which the inward clings, so that the alien becomes the intimately
known, the latter displaces the volatile inward into the outer world,
branding the intimate friend as foe. Impulses which are not acknowledged
by the subject and yet are his, are attributed to the object: the prospective
victim. For the ordinary paranoiac the choice of victim is not free; it obeys
the laws of his illness. In fascism this behavior is adopted by politics; the
object of the illness is declared true to reality, the system of delusions the
reasonable norm in a world which makes deviation neurosis. The mechanism
which the totalitarian order takes into its service is as old as civilization.
The sexual impulses suppressed by humanity survived in both individuals
and peoples and asserted themselves in the imaginary transformation
of the surrounding world into a diabolic system. Those impelled by
blind murderous lust have always seen in the victim the pursuer who has
driven them to desperate self-defense, and the mightiest of the rich have
experienced their weakest neighbor as an intolerable threat before falling
upon him. The rationalization was both a ruse and a compulsion. The person
chosen as foe is already ,Perceived as foe. The disorder lies in the subject's
faulty distinction betWeen his own contribution to the projected
material and that of others.
In a certain sense, all perception is projection. The projection of
sense impressions is a legacy of animal prehistory, a mechanism for the
purposes of defense and obtaining food, an extension of the readiness for
combat with which higher species reacted actively or passively to movements,
regardless of the intention of the object. Projection has been automated
in man like other forms of offensive or defensive behavior which
have become reflexes. In this way his objecdve world has been constituted
as a product of "an art concealed in the depths of the human soul,
whose real modes of activity nature is hardly likely ever to allow us to discover,
and ro have open ro our gaze. "2 The system of things, the fixed uniVl rsal
order of which science is merely an abstract express
,
ion, is, if Kant's
Limits of Enlightenment 155
critique of knowledge is applied anthropologically, the unconscious product
of the animal tool in the struggle for existence-it is the automatic
projection. In human society, however, where both the affective and the
intellectual life grow complex with the formation of the individual, projection
must be increasingly controlled; individuals must learn both to
refine and to inhibit ir. As economic compulsion teaches them to distinguish
berween their own thoughts and feelings and those of others, a distinction
emerges berween outer and inner, the possibility of detachment
and of identification, self-consciousness and conscience. More precise
reflection is needed to understand this controlled form of projection and
its degeneration into the false projection which is essential ro antiSemitism.

The physiological theory of perception, which has been despised by
philosophers since Kant as naively realistic and as a circular argument,
holds the world of perception to be a reflection, guided by the intellect, of
the data received from real objects by the brain. According to this view,
punctual indices, or impressions, are registered physiologically and then
ordered by the mind. Although the Gestalt people may insist that the
physiological substance receives not merely points but structure, Schopenhauer
and Helmholtz, despite or even because of the circularity of their
view, knew more about the intermeshed relationship of subject and object
than is reflected in the official logical consistency of the schools, whether
neopsychological or neo-Kantian: the perceptual image does indeed conrain
concepts and judgments. Between the actual object and the indubitable
sense datum, between inner and outer, yawns an abyss which the
subject must bridge ar its own peril. To reflect the thing as it is, the subjeer
must give back to it more than it receives from it. From rhe traces the
thing leaves behind in its senses the subject recreates the world outside it:
t he unity of the thing in its manifold properties and states; and in so
doing, in learning how to impart a synthetic unity not only to the ourward
impressions but to the inward ones which gradually separate themselves
from rhem, it retroactively constitutes the self. The identical ego is the
mosr recent constant product of projection. In a process which could only
he accomplished historically when the powers of the human physiological
l Ot1stitution were fully developed, this self has emerged as a unified and,
.ll the same time, an eccentric function. Bur even as an autonomously
.. hjl'ctified subject it is only what the objective world is for it. The inner
156 Elements of Anti-Semitism
depth of the subject consists in nothing other than the delicacy and richness
of the outer perceptual world. If this intermeshing is broken, the self
petrifies. If it is confined, positivistically, to registering the given without
itself giving, it shrinks to a point, and if, idealistically, it projects the world
our of rhe bottomless origin or irs own self, it exhausts itself in monotonous
repetition. In both cases it gives up the ghost-in this case the mind
or spirit. Only mediation, in which the insignificant sense datum raises
thought to the fullest productivity of which it is capable, and in which,
conversely, thought gives itself up without reservation to the overwhelming
impression-only mediation can overcome the isolation which ails the
whole of nature. Neither the certainty untroubled by thought, nor the preconceptual
unity of perception and object, but only their self-reflective
antithesis contains the possibility of reconciliation. The antithesis is perceived
in the subject, which has the external world within its own consciousness
and yet recognizes it as other. Reflection on that antithesis,
therefore, the life of reason, takes place as conscious projection.
The pathic element in anti-Semitism is nor projective behavior as
such but the exclusion of reflection &om that behavior. Because the subject
is unable to return to the object what it has received from it, it is not
enriched but impoverished. It loses reflection in both directions: as it no
longer reflects the object, it no longer reflects on itself, and thereby loses
rhe ability to differentiate. Instead of the voice of conscience, it hears voices;
instead of inwardly examining itself in order to draw up a protocol of
its own lust for power, it attributes to others the Protocol of the Elders of
Zion. It overflows at the same time as it dries up. It invests rhe outside
world boundlessly with what is within itself; but what it invests is something
utterly insignificant, an inflated accumulation of mere means, relationships,
machinations, a grim praxis unilluminated by thought. Domination
itself which, even as absolute power, is inherently only a means,
becomes in untrammeled projection the purpose both of oneself and of
others, purpose as such. In the sickness of the individual, humanity's
sharpened intellectual apparatus is turned once more against humanity,
regressing to the blind insuument of hostility it was in animal prehistory,
and as which, for the species, it has never ceased to operate in relation
to the rest of nature. Just as, since its rise, the human species has manifested
itself toward others as developmentally the highest, capable of the
most terrible destruction; and just as, within humanity, the more ad-
Limits ofh'ltlightt'lltllt'l/1 t S7
vanced races have confronted the more primitive, the technically superior
nations the more backward, so the sick individual confronts the other individual,
in megalomania as in persecution mania. In both cases the subject
is at the center, the world a mere occasion for its delusion; it becomes the
imporent or omnipotent quintessence of what is projected on to it. The
opposition of which the paranoiac complains indiscriminately at every
step is the result of the lack of resistance, of the emptiness which the encapsulated
subject generates around itself. The paranoiac cannot stop. The
idea, having no firm hold on reality, insists all the more and becomes the
fixation.
Because paranoiacs perceive the outside world only in so far as it corresponds
to their blind purposes, they can only endlessly repeat their own
self, which has been alienated from them as an abstract mania. This naked
schema of power as such, equally overwhelming toward others and toward
a self at odds with itself, seizes whatever comes its way and, wholly disregarding
its peculiarity, incorporates it in its mythic web. The closed circle
of perpetual sameness becomes a surrogate for omnipotence. It is as if the
serpent which told the first humans "Ye shall be as gods" had kept his
promise in the paranoiac. He creates everything in his own image. He
seems to need no living thing yet demands that all shall serve him. His will
permeates the whole universe; nothing may be unrelated to him. His systems
know of no gaps. As astrologer, he endows the stars with powers
which bring about the ruin of the unsuspecting, whether it is the ruin of
others in the preclinical stage or of his own ego in the clinical stage. As
philosopher, he makes world history the executor of inescapable catastrophes
and downfalls. As completely insane or absolutely rational, he annihilates
those marked down as victims either by the individual act of terror
or by the well-considered strategy of extermination. In this way he succeeds.
Just as women adore the unmoved paranoid man, nations fall to
their knees before totalitarian fascism. The paranoid element in the devotees
responds to the paranoiac as to the evil spirit, their fear of conscience
to his utter lack of scruples, for which they feel gratitude. They follow the
man who looks past them, who does not treat them as subjects but hands
them over to the operations of his many purposes. Like everyone else,
these women have made the occupation of greater or lesser positions of
power their religion, and themselves the malign creatures society takes
them for. And so rhe gaze which reminds them of freedom must strike
158 Elements of Anti-Semitism
them as that of the over-naive seducer. Their world is inverted. But at the
same time they know, like the ancient gods who shunned the gaze of the
faithful, that something lifeless resides behind their veil. In the trusting
look of the nonparanoid they arc reminded of the spirit which has died in
them, because they see outside them only the cold means of their selfpreservation.
To be touched in this way awakens in them shame and rage.
Yet the madman does not reach them, even though he may stare them in
the face like the Fuhrer. He merely inflames them. His proverbial gaze
straight into the eyes, unlike the free gaze, does not preserve individuality.
It fixates. It binds others to one-sided loyalty, by confining them to the
windowless monadic fortress of their own person. It does not awaken conscience,
but prematurely imposes responsibility. The penetrating look and
the one that goes past you, the hypnotic and the disregarding gaze, are of
the same kind: in both, the subject is extinguished. Because in both looks
reflection is absent, the unreflecting are electrified by them. They are betrayed:
the women cast away, the nation incinerated. Thus, the self-encapsulated
figure remains a caricature of divine power. Just as his lordly gesture
is entirely without creative power in reality, so, like the devil, he lacks
the attributes of the principle he usurps: mindful love and freedom secure
within itself. He is malignant, driven by compulsion, and as weak as he is
strong. If divine omnipotence is said to draw creation unto itself. this
satanic, imagined omnipotence draws everything into its impotence. That
is the secret of its rule. The compulsively projecting self can project nothing
except its own unhappiness, from the cause of which, residing in itself.
it is yet Cut off by its lack of reflection. For this reason the products of false
projection, the stereotyped schemata of both thought and reality, bring
calamity. For the ego, sinking into the meaningless abyss of itself, objects
become allegories of ruin, which harbor the meaning of its own downfall.
The psychoan;uytic theory of pathic projection has identified the
transference of socially tabooed impulses from the subject to the object as
the substance of that projection. Under the pressure of the superego, the
ego projects aggressive urges emanating from the id which, through their
strength, are a danger to itself, as malign intentions onto the outside
world, and succeeds in ridding itself of them as reactions to that outside
work!, either in fantasy by identification with the alleged malefactor or in
reality by ostensible self-defense. The proscribed material converted into
aggression is usually homosexual in narure. Through fear of castration,
Limits of Enlightenment 159
obedience toward the father preempts castration by adapting the conscious
emotional life to that of a little girl, and hatred of the father is repressed
as endless rancor. In paranoia, this hatred is intensified to a castration wish
expressed as a universal urge to destroy. The sick subject regresses to an
archaic confusion between love and dominance. It is concerned with physical
closeness, with taking possession, finally with relationship at any price.
Because it cannot acknowledge desire within itself, it assails the other with
jealousy or persecution, as the repressed sodomite hounds the animal as
hunter or driver. The attraction stems from excessive attachment or develops
at first sight; it can emanate from great figures, as in the case of malcontents
and murderers of presidents, or from the most wretched as in the
pogrom itself. The objects of the fixation are replaceable like father figures
in childhood; whatever it hits on fits its purpose; the delusion of relatedness
strikes our unrelatedly. Pathic projection is a desperate exertion by an
ego which, according to Freud has a far weaker resistance to internal than
to external stimuli: under the pressure of pent-up homosexual aggression
the psychic mechanism forgets its most recent phylogenetic attainment,
the perception of self, and experiences that aggression as an enemy in the
world, the better to master it.
This pressure acts also, however, on the healthy cognitive process as
a moment of its unreflecting naivety, which tends toward violence.
Wherever intellectual energies are concemrated on an external intention,
wherever it is a matter of pursuing, ascertaining, grasping-of exerting
those functions which have been sublimated from the primitive overpowering
of animals into the scientific methods of controlling nature-the
subjective process is easily overlooked in the schematization, and the system
is posited as the thing itself. Objectifying thought, like its pathological
counterpart, has the arbitrariness of a subjective purpose extraneous to
the matter itself and, in forgetting the matter, does to it in thought the violence
which later will be done in practice. The unconditional realism of
civilized humanity, which culminates in fascism, is a special case of paranoid
delusion which depopulates nature and finally nations themselves. In
rhc abyss of uncertainty, which every objectifying act must bridge, paranoia
installs itself. Because there is no absolutely compelling argument
.t ainst materially false judgments, the distorted perception in which they
lurk cannot be healed. Every percept unconsciously contains conceptual
clements, just as every judgment contains unclarified phenomenalistic
r6o Elements of Anti-Semitism
ones. Because imagination is involved in truth, it can always appear to this
damaged imagination that truth is fantastic and its illusion the truth. The
maimed subject lives on the element of imagination immanent in truth by
ceaselessly putting it on show. Democratically, he insists on equal rights
for his delusion, because, in fact, not even truth is stringent. While the citizen
may admit that the anti-Semite is in the wrong, he requires the victim
to be guilty too. Thus Hitler demands the right to practice mass murder
in the name of the principle of sovereignty under international law,
which tolerates any act of violence in another country.* Like every paranoiac
he takes advantage of the hypocritical identity of truth and
sophistry; the distinction between them is as uncompelling as it nevertheless
is strict. Perception is only possible in so far as the thing is already
apprehended as determinate-for example, as a case of a genus or type. It
is a mediated immediacy, thought infused with the seductive power of sensuality.
It blindly transfers subjective elements to the apparent givenness of
the object. Only the self-conscious work of thought-that is, according to
Leibnizian and Hegelian idealism, only philosophy-can escape this hallucinatory
power. As, in the course of cognition, thought identifies the
conceptual moments which are immediately posited in perception and are
therefore compelling, it progressively takes them back into the subject and
strips them of their intuitive power. In this process every earlier stage,
including science, turns out to be, in comparison to philosophy, a kind of
percept, an estranged phenomenon permeated with unrecognized intellectual
elements; perststence at this stage, without negation, forms part of
the pathology of cognition. The subject which naively postulates absolutes,
no matter how universally active it may be, is sick, passively succumbing
to the dazzlemenr of false immediacy.
Such blindness is, however, a constitutive element of all judgment, a
necessary illusion. Every judgment, even negative, is reassuring. However
'much a judgment may stress its own isolation and relativity for the purpose
of self-correction, it must assert its own content, no matter how cautiously
formulated, as something not merely isolated and relative. That
constitutes its nature as judgment, whereas the clause merely entrenches a
claim. Truth, unlike probability, has no gradations. The negating step
beyond the individual judgment, which rescues its truth, is possible only
in so far as it takes itself to be truth and in that sense is paranoid. True
derangement lies only in the immovable, in thought's incapaciry for the
.
Limits of Enlightenment 161
negation in which, unlike the fixed judgment, thought actually consists.
The paranoid over-consistency, the bad infinity of never-changing j udgment,
is a lack of consistency in thought; instead of conceptually carrying
through the failure of the absolute claim and thereby continuing to qualify
his or her judgment, the paranoiac clings obdurately to the claim which
has caused the judgment to fail. Instead of going further by penetrating its
subject matter more deeply, thought places itself entirely in the hopeless
service of rhe particular judgment. The latter's irresistibility is the same as
its intact positivity, and the paranoiac's weakness is that of thought itself.
For reflection, which in the healthy subject breaks the power of immediacy,
is never as compelling as the illusion it dispels. As a negative, reflective
movement nor directed straight ahead, it lacks the brutality inherent in the
positive. If the psychic energy of paranoia stems from the libidinal dynamic
laid bare by psychoanalysis, its objective impregnability is founded on
the ambiguity inseparable from the objectifying act; indeed, the latter's
hallucinatory power will have been originally decisive. To clarify, it can be
said in the language of natural selection theory that during rhe formative
period of the human sensorium those individuals survived in whom the
power of the projective mechanisms extended most deeply into their rudimentary
logical faculties, or was least moderated by the premature onset
of reflection. Just as, even today, practically fruitful scientific enterprises
call for an unimpaired capacity for definition, for shutting down thought
at a point designated by social need, for demarcating a field which is then
investigated in the minutest derail without passing outside it, paranoiacs
cannot step outside a complex of interests designated by their psychological
fare. Their mental acureness .
consumes itself within rhe circle drawn
by their fixed idea, as human ingenuity is liquidating itself under the spell
of technical civilization. Paranoia is rhe shadow of cognition.
So calamitous is the mind's tendency to false projection that, as the
isolated schema of self-preservation, such projection threatens to dominate
l"Vcrything which goes beyond self-preservation: culture. False projection
is the usurper in the realm of freedom as of culture; paranoia is the symptom
of the half-educated. For such people, all words become a system of
delusion, an attempt mentally to occupy the regions to which their experience
does not extend, violently to give meaning to a world which makes
1 hem meaningless, but at the same time to denigrate the intellect and the
experience from which they a rc excluded and to burden them with the
162 Elements of Anti-Semitism
guilt really borne by the society which has brought about that exclusion.
The half-educated who, unlike the merely uneducated, hypostatize limited
knowledge as truth, cannot endure the breach between inward and ourward,
individual fate and social law, appearance and essence, which for
them is heightened to unbearable levels. To be sure, their suffering does
contain an element of truth, compared to the mere acceptance of the given
to which superior understanding has sworn allegiance. Nevertheless, the
half-educated reach out stereotypically in their fear for the formula which
suits their need, now to justify the disaster which has happened, now to
predict the catastrophe still to come, which is sometimes disguised as a
regeneration. The explanation, in which their own desires appear as an
objective power, is always as external and meaningless as the isolated event
itself, at once feeble-minded and sinister. The obscurantist systems of
today bring about what the devil myth of the official religion enabled people
to do in the Middle Ages: to imbue the outside world with an arbitrary
meaning, which the lone paranoiac now constructs according to a private
schema shared by no one, and which only for that reason appears acrually
mad. Relief is provided by the dire conventicles and panaceas which put
on scientific airs while cutting off thought: theosophy, numerology, naturopathy,
eurhythmy, teetotalism, Yoga, and countless other sects, competing
and interchangeable, all with academies, hierarchies and specialist jargon,
the fetishized officialese of science and religion. When confronted by
an educated public, they remained apocryphal and disreputable. But today,
when education it,self is withering for economic reasons, unprecedented
conditions are created for the paranoia of the masses. The belief
sy tems of the past, which were embraced by the populace as self-contained
paranoid forms, had wider meshes. Just because they were so rationally
elaborated and specific, they left room, at least above them, for culture
and mind, which, conceived as spirit, were their true medium.
Indeed, to an extent they counteracted paranoia. Freud calls neuroseseven
rightly in this instance-"asocial formations"; "they endeavor to
achieve by private means what is aff ected in society by collective efforr."3
Those belief systems retain something of the collectivity which preserves
individuals from pathological symptoms. The sickness is socialized: in the
intoxication of the communal ecstasy-indeed, as itself a communityblindness
becomes a relationship and the paranoid mechanism is made
controllable, without losing the power to strike ter
ror. Perhaps that was
Limits of Enlightenment 163
one of the major contributions of religions to the survival of the species.
Paranoid forms of consciousness rend to give rise to leagues, factions, rackets.
Their members are afraid to believe their madness on their own.
Projecting it, they everywhere see proselytizing and conspiracy. The established
group has always taken a paranoid stance toward others; in this the
great empires, indeed, organized humanity as a whole, are no better than
headhunters. Those who were excluded from humanity against their will,
like those who excluded themselves from it out of longing for humanity,
knew that the pathological cohesion of rhe established group was strengthened
by persecuting them. Its normal members relieve their paranoia by
participating in the collective one, and cling passionately to the objectified,
collective, approved forms of delusion. The horror vacui with which
they devote themselves to their confederacies welds them together and
gives them their almost irresistible power.
With bourgeois property, education and culture spread, driving
paranoia into the dark corners of society and the psyche. But as the real
emancipation of humanity did not coincide with the enlightenment of the
mind, education itself became sick. The less social reality kept pace with
educated consciousness, the more that consciousness itself succumbed to
a process of reification. Culture was entirely commoditized, disseminated
as information which did not permeate those who acquired it. Thought
becomes short-winded, confines itself to apprehending isolated facts.
I ntellectual connections are rejected as an inconvenient and useless exerl
ion. The developmental moment in thought, its whole genetic and inten­
\ive dimension, is forgotten and leveled down to what is immediately pre­
\Cnt , to the extensive. The present order of life allows the self no scope to
draw intellectual or spiritual conclusions. Thought, stripped down to
k nowledge, is neutralized, harnessed merely to qualifying its practitioner
lor specific labor markets and heightening the commodity value of the
personality. In this way the self-reflection of the mind, which counteracts
! •..ranoia, is disabled. Finally, under the conditions of late capitalism, the
la • .tf-cducated condition has become the objective spirit. In the totalitari­
.an phase of government its exponents reinstate the provincial charlatans of
pol i1 ics, and with them the system of delusion, as the ultima ratio, imposllag
i1 on rhe majority of the administered, who have already been softened
np hy big politics and the culture industry.* The absurdity of the present
'.\'\ll'lll of rule is so r ransparcnr to healthy consciousness that it needs sick
164 Elements of Anti-Semitism
consciousness to keep itself alive. Only those suffering from persecution
mania can tolerate the persecution which domination inevitably becomes,
provided they are allowed to persecute others.
In fascism, where the responsibility for wife and child painfully
inculcated by bourgeois civilization is being obscured by the individual's
insistent conformity to regulations, conscience is being liquidated in any
case. Contrary to the ideas of Dostoievski and the German apostles of
inwardness, conscience consisted in the self's devotion to something substantial
outside itself, in the ability to make the true concerns of others
one's own. This ability involves reflection as an interpenetration of receptivity
and imagination. Because the abolition of the independent economic
subject by big industry*-partly by absorbing free emrepreneurs and
partly by transforming the workers* into objects of trades unions-is irresistibly
eroding the basis of moral decisions, reflection, too, must wither.
The soul, as the possibility of guilt aware of itself, decays. Conscience is
deprived of objects, since individuals' responsibility for themselves and
their dependents is replaced-although still under the old moral title-by
their mere performance for the apparatus. The internal conflict of drives,
in which the agency of conscience is formed, can no longer be worked
through. If internalized, the social injunctions would not only be made
both more binding and more open but also would be emancipated from
society and even turned against it; instead, the individual identifies himself
or herself promptly and directly with the stereotyped scales of values.
The exemplary German woii).an, who has a monopoly on femininity as the
rrue German man has on m sculinity, and their counterparts elsewhere,
arc conformist, asocial human types. Despite and because of its obvious
deficiency, the system of power has become so preponderant that powerless
individuals can avert their fate only through blind compliance.
In face of such power, it is left to chance-guided by the Party-to
decide where despairing self-preservation is ro project the guilt for its terror.
The Jews are the predestined target of this guided chance. The circulation
sphere, in which they once held positions of economic power, is
vanishing. The liberal form of commercial enterprise once endowed fragmented
wealth with political influence. Now, no sooner emancipated, its
owners arc merged with the state apparatus and placed at the mercy of
capital powers which have outgrown competition. No matter what the
makeup of the Jews may be in reality, their image, that of the defeated, has
.
Limits of Enlightenment 165
characteristics which must make totalitarian rule their mortal enemy: happiness
without power, reward without work, a homeland without frontiers,
religion without myth. These features are outlawed by the ruling
powers because they are secretly covered by the ruled. The former can survive
only as long as the Iauer turn what they yearn for into an object of
hare. They do so through pathic projection, since even hatred leads to
union with the object-in destruction. It is the negative of reconciliation.
Reconciliation is Judaism's highest concept, and expectation its whole
meaning. The paranoid reaction stems from the incapacity for expectation.
The anti-Semires are realizing their negative absolute through power,
by transforming the world into the hell they have always taken it to be. A
radical change would depend on whether the ruled, in face of absolute
madness, could master themselves and hold the madness back. Only the
liberation of thought from power, the abolition of violence, could realize
the idea which has been unrealized until now*: that the Jew is a human
being. This would be a step away from the anti-Semitic society, which
drives both Jews and others into sickness, and toward the human one.
Such a step would fulfill the fascist lie by contradicting it: the Jewish question
would indeed prove the turning-point of history.* By conquering the
sickness of the mind which flourishes on the rich soil of self-assertion unhampered
by reflection, humanity would cease to be the universal antirace
and become the species which, as nature, is more than mere nature, in that
it is aware of its own image. The individual and social emancipation from
domination is the countermovement to false projection, and no longer
would Jews seek, by resembling it, to appease the evil senselessly visitt;d on
them as on ail the persecuted, whether animals or human beings.
But there are no longer any anti-Semites. The last of them were libl'rals
who wanted to express their antiliberal opinions. By the end of the
nineteenth century the old-style conservative aloofness of the nobility and
t he officer corps toward the Jews was merely reactionary. The people
.threast of the times were the Ahlwardts and the Kniippelkunzes.* They
d rew their followers from the same groups as the Fuhrer, but their support
' .une from troublemakers and malcontents throughout the country. When
l
' 'op
lc voiced anti-Semi tic auitudcs, they felt they were being bourgeois
r66 Elements of Anti-Semitism
and rebellious at the same time. Their nationalistic grumbling was still a
distorted form of civil freedom. The beer hall politics of the anti-Semites
exposed the lie of German liberalism, on which it fed and whose demise
it finally brought about. Even though they used their own mediocrity as a
license to subject the Jews to beatings in which universal murder was
already latent, they were economically farsighted enough to weigh the risks
of the Third Reich against the advantages of a hostile form of tolerance.
Anti-Semitism was still a competing motif within a range of subjective
choices. But the outcome related specifically to it. The whole chauvinistic
vocabulary was implied from the starr in the adoption of the volkisch thesis.
Anti-Semitic views always reflected stereotyped thinking. Today only
that thinking is left. People still vote, but only berween totalities. The antiSemitic
psychology has largely been replaced by mere acceptance of the
whole fascist ticket,* which is an inventory of the slogans of belligerent big
business. Just as, on the ballot paper of the mass party, voters are presented
with the names of people remote from their experience for whom they
can only vote en bloc, the central ideological concepts have been codified
inro a small number of lists. One has to opt for one of them en bloc if one's
own position is not to seem as futile as splinter votes on polling day in face
of the statistical mammoths. Anti-Semitism has practically ceased to be an
independent impulse and has become a plank in the platform: anyone
who gives fascism its chance subscribes to the settlement of the Jewish
question along with the breaking of the unions and the crusade against
Bolshevism. The anti-Semite's conviction, however mendacious it may be,
has been absorbed intq_rhe preconditioned reflexes of the subjeccless exponents
of a particular standpoint. When the masses accept the reactionary
ticket containing the clause against the Jews, they are obeying social mechanisms
in which individual people's experiences of Jews play no part. It has
been shown, in fact, that anti-Semitism's prospects are no less good in
"Jew-free"* areas than in Hollywood itself. Experience is replaced by
cliche, the imagination active in experience by diligent acceptance. The
members of each class have to absorb their quota of guidelines on pain of
rapid downfall. Just as they need to be instructed on the technical merits
of a particular aircraft, so do they, too, on their allegiance to one of the
prescribed agencies of pmyer.
In the world of mass production, stereotypes replace intellectual categories.
Judgment is no longer based on a real act of synthesis bur on blind
Limits of Enlightenment 167
subsumption. If, at an early historical stage, judgment consisted in the
swift decision which immediately unleashed the poisoned arrow, in the
meantime exchange and the institutions of law have taken their effect. The
act of judgment passed through a stage of deliberation which afforded the
judging subject some protection ftom brutal identification with the predicate.
In late-industrial society there is a regression to j udgment without
judging. When, in fascism, the protracted legal process was replaced by an
accelerated procedure in criminal trials, up-to-date people had been economically
prepared for this development. They had learned to see things
unreflectingly, through ready-made thought models, the termini technici
which provide them with iron rations following the decay of language.
The perceiver is no longer present in the process of perception. He or she
is incapable of the active passivity of cognition, in which categorial elements
are appropriately reshaped by preformed conventional schemata
and vice versa, so that justice is done to the perceived object. In the field
of the social sciences, as in that of individual experience, blind intuition
and empty concepts are brought together rigidly and without mediation.*
In the age of the "three hundred basic words" the ability to exercise judgment,
and therefore to distinguish berween true and false, is vanishing.
Thinking, where it is not merely a highly specialized piece of professional
equipment in this or that branch of the division of labor, is suspect as an
old-fashioned luxury: "armchair thinking." It is supposed to "produce"
something. The more superfluous physical labor is made by the development
of technology, the more enthusiastically it is set up as a model for
mental work, which must not be tempted, however, to draw any awkward
conclusions. That is the secret of advancing stupidity, on which antiSemitism
thrives. If, even within the field of logic, the concept stands
opposed to the particular as something merely external, anything which
\lands for difference within society itself must indeed tremble. Everyone is
labeled friend or foe. The disregard for the subject makes things easy for
r hc adminisrration. Ethnic groups are transported to different latitudes;
I ndividuals labeled "Jew" are dispatched to the gas chambers.
The indifference to the individual expressed in logic draws its con­
' lusions from the economic process. The individual had become an
u n pc:diment to production. The lack of synchronicity berween technical
.11
1d human development, the "cultural lag" which used to exercise the
1 n ind\ of sociologists, is beginning to disappear. Economic rationality, the
168 Elements of Anti-Semitism
vaunted principle of the smallest necessary means, is unremittingly
reshaping the last units of the economy: businesses and human beings.
The most advanced form at a given time becomes the predominant one.
Once, the department store expropriated the old-style specialist shop. The
latter, having outgrown mercantilist regulation, had absorbed initiative,
control, and organization within itself and become, like the old mill and
smithy, a little factory, a free enterprise. Its mode of operation was complicated,
expensive, risky. Competition therefore replaced it by the more
efficient, centralized form of retail shop, the department store. The psychological
small business-the individual-is meeting the same fate. It
came into being as the power cell of economic activity. Emancipated from
the tutelage of earlier economic stages, individuals fended for themselves
alone: as proletarians by hiring themselves out through the labor market
and by constant adaptation to new technical conditions, as entrepreneurs
by tirelessly realizing of the ideal type of homo oeconomicus. Psychoanalysis
has portrayed the internal small business which thus carne into being as a
complex dynamic of unconscious and conscious elements, of id, ego, and
superego. In its negotiations with the superego, the ego, the agency of
social control within the individual, keeps the drives within the limits set
by self-preservation. The areas of friction are large and neuroses, the incidental
expenses of such a drive economy, inevitable. Nevertheless, this
complex psychical apparatus made possible the relatively free interplay of
subjects which constituted the market economy. In the era of large combines
and world wars, _however, the mediation of the social process by innumerable
monads is proving obsolete. The subjects of the drive economy
are being psychologically expropriated, and the drive economy is being
more rationally operated by society itself. The individual no longer has to
decide what he or she is supposed to do in a given situation in a painful
inner dialogue between conscience, self-preservation, and drives. For the
human being as wage earner the decision is taken by a hierarchy extending
from trade associations to the national administration; in the private
sphere it is taken by the schema of mass culture, which appropriates even
the most intimate impulses of its forced consumers. The committees and
stars function as ego and superego, and the masses, stripped of even the
semblance of personality, are molded far more compliantly by the catchwords
and models than ever the instincts were by the internal censor. If,
in lihcralism, the individuation of a section of the, population was neces-
Limits oj'Fnlightt'llltlt'lll 1 6')
sary for the adaptation of society as a whole to the state of technology,
today the functioning of the economic apparatus demands that the masses
be directed without the hindrance of individuation. The economically
determined direction of the whole society, which has always governed the
mental and physical constitution of human beings, is causing the organs
which enabled individuals to manage their lives autonomously to atrophy.
Now that thinking has become a mere sector of the division of labor, the
plans of the authorized experts and leaders have made individuals who
plan their own happiness redundant. The irrationality of the unresisting
and eager adaptation to reality becomes, for the individual, more reasonable
than reason. If, previously, the bourgeois had introjected the compulsions
of conscience and duty into themselves and the workers, now the
entire human being has become at once the subject and the object of
repression. In the progress of industrial society, which is supposed to have
conjured away the law of increasing misery it had itself brought into
being, the concept which justified the whole-the human being as person,
as the bearer of reason-is going under. The dialectic of enlightenment
is culminating objectively in madness.
This is also a madness of political reality. As a dense web of modern
communications, the world has become so standardized that the differences
between diplomatic breakfasts in Dumbarton Oaks and Persia
have to be specially devised as an expression of national character, while
actual national peculiarity is experienced primarily by the millions hungering
for rice who have fallen through the narrow meshes. Although the
abundance of goods which could be produced everywhere and simultaneously
makes the struggle for raw materials and markers seem' ever more
anachronistic, humanity is nevertheless divided into a small number of
armed power blocs. They compete more pitilessly than the firms involved
in rhe anarchy of commodity production ever did, and strive toward
mutual liquidation. The more senseless the antagonism, the more rigid the
hlocs. Only rhe total identification of the population with these mon­
\trosities of power, so deeply imprinted as to have become second nature
.mJ stopping all the pores of consciousness, maintains the masses in rhe
'late of absolute apathy which makes them capable of their miraculous
.1chievements. As far as any decisions are still left to individuals, they are
dlcctivdy decided in advance. The irreconcilability of the ideologies
1 111rnpcred by the politicians from the different camps is itself just one
qo Elements of Anti-Semitism
more ideology of the blind constellation of power. Ticket thinking, a
product of industrialization and its advertising, is being extended to international
relations. Whether a citizen chooses the communist or the fascist
ticket depends on whether he happens to be more impressed by the Red
Army or the laboratories of the West. The reification by virtue of which
the power structure, made possible solely by the passivity of the masses,
appears to those same masses as an iron reality, has been consolidated to
the point where any spontaneity, or even the ability to conceive of the true
state of affairs, has necessarily become an eccentric utopia, an irrelevant
sectarianism. Illusion has become so concentrated that to see through it
objectively assumes the character of hallucination. To vote for a ticket, by
contrast, means to practice adaptation to illusion petrified as reality, which
endlessly reproduces itself through such adaptation. The reluctant voter is
therefore ostracized as a deserter. Since Hamlet, hesitation was for modern
people a sign of reflection and humanity. The wasted time at once represented
and mediated the gap between individual and universal, as circulation
does between consumption and production in the economy. Today
individuals receive their tickets ready-made from the powers that be, as
consumers receive their automobiles from the sales outlets of factories.
Conformity to reality, adaptation to power, are no longer the result of a
dialectical process between subject and reality but are produced directly by
the cogs and levers of industry. The process is one of liquidation instead
of sublation, of formal instead of determinate negation. The unleashed
colossi of production have subdued the individual not by granting him or
her full satisfaction, ·out by extinguishing the subject. Precisely therein lies
their perfect rationality, which coincides with their insanity. The extreme
disproportion between collective and individual eliminates tension, but
the untroubled harmony between omnipotence and impotence is itself
unmediated contradiction, the absolute antithesis of reconciliation.
For this reason the psychological determinants of the individualwhich
have always been the internal human agencies of wrong societyhave
not disappeared with the individual itself. However, these character
types are now being assigned to their mathematically exact positions within
the coordinates of power. Both their efficiency and their coefficient of
friction are included in the calculation. The ticket acts as a gearwheel in
this process. Anything in the old psychological mechanism which was
compulsive, unfree, and irrational is precisely ad,iusted to it. The reac-
Limits of Enlightenment 171
tionary ticket which includes anti-Semitism is suited to the destructiveconventional
syndrome. It is not so much that such people react originally
against the Jews as that their drive-structure has developed a tendency
toward persecution which the ticket then furnishes with an adequate
object. The "elements of anti-Semitism" once derived from experience and
now rendered inoperative by the loss of experience reflected in ticket
thinking, are remobilized by the ticket. Being already corrupted, these elements
also provide the neo-anti-Semite with the bad conscience and thus
with the insatiabiliry of evil. Just because the psychology of the individual
can now construct itself and its content only from the synthetic schemata
supplied by sociery, contemporary anti-Semitism takes on its empry but
impenetrable character The Jewish middleman fully becomes the image of
the devil only when economically he has ceased to exist. Victory is thus
made easy, and the anti-Semitic family man becomes the spectator,
exempt from responsibility, of an irresistible historical tendency, intervening
only when called to do so by his role as an employee of the Parry or
the Zyklon gas factories. As they designate obsolete sections of the population
for extermination, the administrations of totalitarian states are
merely the executors of economic verdicts passed long ago. Members of
other branches of the division of labor can look on with the indifference
of people reading newspaper reports on clean-up operations at the scene
of yesterday's catastrophe. The peculiarities for the sake of which the victims
are killed have long been effaced. Those who fall within the terms of
the decree as Jews have to be identified by means of elaborate questionnaires,
now that the antagonistic religions which once differentiated them
have been successfully remodeled and assimilated as cultural heritage
under the leveling pressure of late-industrial society. The Jewish masses
themselves are no more immune to ticket thinking than the most hostile
yourh organization. In this sense fascist anti-Semitism is obliged to invent
its own object. Paranoia no longer pursues its goal on the basis of the individual
case history of the persecutor; having become a vital component of
sociery it must locate that goal within the delusive context of wars and economic
cycles before the psychologically predisposed "national comrades"
can support themselves on it, both inwardly and outwardly, as patients.
The tendency according to which anti-Semitism now exists only as
one item on an interchangeable ticket gives irrefutable reason to hope for
its end. The Jews arc being murdered at a time when the leaders could
172 Elements of Anti-Semitism
replace the anti-Semitic plank in their platform just as easily as their followers
can be transplanted from one location of wholly rationalized production
to another. The development which leads ro ticket thinking is
based, in any case, on the universal reduction of every specific energy to
the one, identical, abstract form of labor, from the battlefield ro the studio.
However, the transition from those conditions to a more human state
cannot take place, because benign and malign tendencies suffer the same
fate. The freedom on the progressive ticket is as far removed from the
existing political power structures, to which progressive decisions necessarily
lead, as hostility to the Jews is external to the chemical cartel. To be
sure, the psychologically more humane are attracted to freedom, bur the
advancing loss of experience is finally turning even the supporters of the
progressive ticket into enemies of difference. It is not just the anti-Semitic
ticket which is anti-Semitic, bur the ticket mentality itself. The rage
against difference which is teleologically inherent in that mentality as the
rancor of the dominated subjects of the domination of nature is always
ready to attack the natural minority, even though it is the social minority
which those subjects primarily threaten. The socially responsible elite is in
any case far harder to pin down than other minorities. In the murky intertwinement
of property, ownership, control, and management it successfully
eludes theoretical definition. The ideology of race and the reality of
class both equally reveal only an abstract difference from the majority. Bur
although the progressive ticket tends to produce something worse than its
content, the contep..t of the fascist ticket is so vacuous that it can be mainrained
as a substitute for something bener only by desperate efforts on the
parr of the deceived. Its horror is that of the blatant bur insistent lie. While
it admits no truth by which it might be measured, its absurdity is so monstrous
as to bring truth negatively within reach, so that it can be kept apart
from those deprived of judgment only by their total abstention from
thought. Enlightenment itself, having mastered itself and assumed its own
power, could break through the limits of enlightenment.
Notes and Sketches
A GAINST KNOWI N G NESS
One of the lessons of the Hider period is the stupidity of cleverness.
How many were the expert arguments with which Jews dismissed the likelihood
of Hitler's rise, when it was already as clear as daylight. I recall a
conversation with an economist who demonstrated the impossibility of
Germany's militarization from the interests of Bavarian brewers. And in
any case, according to the clever people, fascism was impossible in the
West. Clever people have always made things easy for barbarians, because
rhey are so stupid. It is the well-informed, farsighted judgments, the prognoses
based on statistics and experience, the observations which begin: "I
happen ro be an expert in this field," it is the well-founded, conclusive
statements which are untrue.
Hider was against intellect and humanity. But there is also an intellect
which is against humanity: ir is distinguished by well-informed superiority.

Postscript
That cleverness is becoming stupidity is inherent in the historical
tendency. To be reasonable, in rhe sense used by Chamberlain when he
called Hitler's demands at Bad Godesberg* unreasonable, means to insist
that there be equivalence between giving and raking. Such reason is modeled
on exchange. Objectives may be attained only through the mediation

174 Notes and Sketches
of a kind of market, in the little advantages that power can steal while
respecting the rule by which one concession is exchanged for another.
Cleverness is helpless as soon as power disregards that rule and simply
appropriates directly. The medium of traditional bourgeois intelligence,
discussion, is in decline. Even individuals can no longer converse, and
know it; that is why they have turned card games into a serious, responsible
institution that calls on all their powers, so that although there are no
conversations, the silence goes unheard. It is no different on the big stage.
A fascist does not like to be spoken to. When others have their say, he takes
it as an impudent interruption. He is impervious to reason because he recognizes
it only in concessions made by others.
The contradiction of the stupidity of cleverness is necessary. For
bourgeois reason is obliged to claim universality while its own development
curtails it. Just as, in an exchange, each party receives its due but
social injustice nevertheless results, the exchange economy's form of reflection,
the prevalent rationality, is just, universal, and particularistic, the
instrument of privilege within equality. Fascism makes it pay the price. It
openly represents the particular interest, thus unmasking reason, which
wrongly flaunts its universality, as itselflimited. That this turns clever people
all at once into dunces convicts reason of its own unreason.
But the fascist, too, suffers under the contradiction. For bourgeois
reason is not only particularistic but also, indeed, universal, and in denying
its universality fascism defeats itself. Those who came to power in
Germany were smarter than the liberals and more stupid. The "progress
row;ard the new order" has been carried largely by people whose consciousness
progress has left behind-bankrupts, sectarians, fools. They are
exempt from error as long as their power precludes all competition. In the
competition between states, however, the fascists not only are just as capable
pf making mistakes but-with qualities such as myopia, bigotry, ignorance
of economic forces, and, above all, the inability to perceive the negative
and include it in their assessment of the situation as a whole-are
also impelled subjectively toward the catastrophe which, in their hearts,
they have always expected.
TWO WO RLDS
NottJ tl 11tl Skt•ttht'J 1 '/S
In this country* there is no difference between a person and that person's
economic fate. No one is anything other than his wealth, his income,
his job, his prospects. In the consciousness of everyone, including its wearer,
the economic mask coincides exactly with what lies beneath it, even in
its smallest wrinkles. All are worth as much as they earn, and earn as much
as they are worth. They find our what they are through the ups and downs
of their economic life. They know themselves as nothing else. If the materialist
critique of society once opposed idealism by asserting that it is not
consciousness which determines being but being consciousness, and that
the truth about society is to be found not in its idealistic notions of itself
bur in its economy, up-to-date self-consciousness has meanwhile discarded
such idealism. People j udge their own selves by their market value and
find out who they are from how they fare in the capitalist economy. Their
fare, however sad it may be, is for them not something external: they
acknowledge it. A Chinese, taking leave,
Spoke with tear-dimmed tones: On me, my friend
The smile of worldly fortune did not fall.
And now I leave w wander mountain parhs
Seeking my heart's peace in their loneliness.*
"I am a failure," says the American-and that is that.
THE T RANSFO R MATI ON OF THE I D EA
I N TO P OWE R
Familiar tendencies from recent rimes are sometimes found prefigured
in ancient, exotic history, where distance lends them a heightened
clarity.
In his commentary on the lsa-Upanishad, Deussen1 argues that in
that work Indian thought took a step beyond what had gone before in the
same way as Jesus in the Gospel according to St. Matthew went beyond
St. John the Baptist, and the Stoics beyond the Cynics. However, this
observation is historically one-sided because the uncompromising ideas of
John the Baptist and of the Cynics, no less chan the views against which
the first lines of the Isa-Upanishad are supposed to represent progress,3
176 Notes and Sketches
look much more like left-wing secessionist tendencies which have split off
from powerful cliques and parties than central tendencies of historical
movements, from which European philosophy, Christianity, and the living
Vedic religion themselves branched off. Accordingly, as Deussen himself
notes, the !sa-Upanishad is usually placed at the beginning of Indian
collections, long before the writings it is said to have gone beyond. Yet this
first work itself shows traces of a betrayal of youthful radicalism, of treachery
against revolutionary opposition to the dominant reality.
Vedantism, Stoicism, and Christianity took the step which made
them capable of organization when they began to participate in social reality
and to construct unified theoretical systems. That step was mediated
by the doctrine that an active role in life need not be harmful to the salvation
of the soul, provided one has the right spiritual outlook. To be sure,
Christianity reached this point only with St Paul. The idea which distances
itself from the existing order turns into religion. Those who refused
to compromise were censured. They stood aloof "from the desire for children,
the desire for wealth, the desire for the world, and wandered about
as beggars. For the desire for children is a desire for property, and the
desire for property is a worldly desire; and both alike are vain."4 Those
who express such views may speak the truth according to the upholders of
civilization, but they do not keep step with the course of social life. They
therefore became madmen, and did indeed resemble John the Baptist. He
"was clothed with camel's hair, and had a girdle of skin about his loins; and
he did eat locusts and wild honey."5 "The cynics," says Hegel, "have little
philosophical trainin$ and never managed to produce a system, a science.
Only later was their system made a philosophical discipline, by the
Stoics."6 "Swinish, shameless beggars,"7 he called these successors.
The uncompromising figures of whom history has left some record
did not entirely lack an organized following; otherwise not even their
names would have come down to us. They set up at least some part of a
systematic doctrine or a code of behavior. Even the more radical
Upanishads, attacked by the Isa-Upanishad, were verses and sacrificial formulae
used by priestly guilds;8 John the Baptist may not have inaugurated
a religion, but he did found an order.9 The Cynics formed a school of
philosophers; its founder, Ailtisthenes, even sketched the outlines of a theory
of the state. 10 But the theoretical and practical systems of such historical
outsiders were unstructured, without a center, an,d differed from the
Notes and Sketches 177
successful systems by a streak of anarchy. The idea and the individual
mean more to them than administration and the collective. They therefore
provoke anger. Plato, the champion of power, had the Cynics in his sights
when he railed against equating the office of king with rhar of a common
shepherd and compared a loose organization of humanity without national
frontiers to a stare of swine. 11 The uncompromising spirits may have
been willing to unite and cooperate, bur they lacked the skill to construct
a solid hierarchy closed to those from below. Neither in their theory,
which was without uniformity or consistency, nor in their practice, which
lacked the cohesion to make an impact, did they themselves reflect the
world as it actually was.
That was the formal difference between the radical and the conformist
movements in religion and philosophy, which did not lie in their
content in isolation. The seer of the ascetic Gautama conquered the Asiatic
world. During his lifetime he showed a great talent for organization. Even
if he did not, like the reformer Cankara, exclude the lower orders from the
communication of his doctrine, 12 he expressly acknowledged property in
human beings and prided himself on rhe "sons of noble families" who
joined his order, in which pariahs, "if present at all, appear to have been
rare exceptions."13 From the first, his disciples were differentiated on the
Brahmin model.14 Cripples, the sick, criminals, and many others were
denied admission.15 Have you, applicants were asked, "leprosy, scrofula,
white leprosy, consumption, epilepsy? Are you a human being? Are you a
man? Are you your own master? Are you without debts? Are you not in the
king's service?" and so on. Fully in keeping with India's brutal patriarchalism,
women were admirted only reluctantly to the original Buddhist order.
They had to subjugate themselves to the men and remained in effect
minors.16 The entire order enjoyed the patronage of the rulers and fitted
admirably into Indian life.
Asceticism and materialism, those opposites, are ambiguous in the
same way. Asceticism as a refusal to participate in the bad existing order
coincides, in face of oppression, with the material demands of the masses,
just as, conversely, asceticism as an agent of discipline, imposed by cliques,
aims at adaptation to injustice. The materialistic acceptance of the status
quo, individual egoism, has always been linked to renunciation, while the
gaze of rhe unworldly zealot, roving beyond the existing order, rests materialistically
on the land of milk and honey. Asceticism is sublated in true
178 Notes and Sketches
materialism, and materialism in true asceticism. The history of those
ancient religions and schools, like that of the modern parries and revolutions,
can teach us that the price of survival is practical complicity, the
transformation of the idea into power.
THE THEORY OF G H O STS
Freud's theory that the belief in ghosts comes from the evil thoughts
of the living about the dead, from the memory of old death wishes, is too
narrow. The hatred of the dead is jealousy as much as a feeling of guilt.
Those left behind feel abandoned, and attribute their pain to the deceased
who causes it. At the stages of humanity's development when death still
appeared as a direct continuation of life, the abandonment of the living in
death seemed necessarily like a betrayal, and even in enlightened times the
old belief is not quite extinguished. It runs coumer to consciousness to
conceive of death as absolute nothingness; absolute nothingness cannot be
rhouglu. And as the burden of life falls back on those left behind, the situation
of the dead can readily seem the better state. The way in which
some bereaved people entirely reorganize their lives after the death of one
dose to them, the busy cult of the deceased or, inversely, the forgetting
rationalized as tact, are the modern counterpart to the belief in ghosts
which, in unsublimated form, continues unabated in spiritualism. Only
when the horror of annihilation is raised fully into consciousness are we
placed in the proper relationship to the dead: that of unity with them,
. ince we, like them, are victims of the same conditions and of the same disappointed·
hope.
Postscript
The disturbed relationship to the dead-who are forgotten and
embalmed is one of the symptoms of the sickness of experience today. It
might almost be said that the concept of human life itself. as the unity of
a person's history, has become invalid: the individual's life is now defined
merely by its opposite, annihilation, bur has lost all concordance, all cont
inuity between conscious remembrance and involuntary memorymeaning.
Individuals arc reduced · to a mere succession of instamaneous
presents, which leave behind no trace, or rather, the trace of which they
hate as someth ing irrational, superfluous, utterly obsolete; Just as any
Notes and Sketches 179
book which has not been published recently is suspect; just as the idea of
history, outside the specialized activities of the academic discipline, makes
up-to-date people nervous, the past of a human being makes them furious.
What someone was and experienced earlier is annulled in face of what
he is now, or of the purpose for which he can be used. The threateningly
well-meaning advice frequendy given to emigrants that they should forget
the past because it cannot be transplanted, that they should write off their
prehistory and start an entirely new life, merely inflicts verbally on the
spectral intruders the violence they have long learned to do to themselves.
They repress history in themselves and others, out of fear that it might
remind them of the disintegration of their own lives, a disintegration
which itself consists largely in the repression of history. The fate which
befalls all feelings, the ostracizing of what has no market value, is applied
most harshly to something which cannot even contribute to a psychological
restoration oflabor power, mourning. It is becoming the stigma of civilization,
an asocial sentimentality which reveals that human beings have
not yet been made to swear absolute allegiance to the realm of purposes.
Therefore mourning, more than all else, is disfigured, deliberately turned
into the social formality which, for the hardened survivors, the beautiful
corpse has always been. In the funeral home and the crematorium, where
the deceased are processed into transportable ashes, into a burdensome
possession, it is indeed untimely to let oneself go, and the young girl who,
proudly describing the first-class funeral of her grandmother, added: "A
pity that Daddy lost control," because he had shed a few tears, precisely
expresses the current state of aff airs. The dead are in truth subjc:;cted to
what for the ancient Jews was the most grievous curse: To thee shall no
thoughts be turned. The living vent on the dead their despair that they no
longer give thought to themselves.
QUA N D MEME
External pressure has forced human beings to overcome their own
inertia, to produce material and intellectual works. Thinkers from
Democrirus to Freud are not wrong in believing this. The resistance of
external nature, to which the pressure can finally be traced back, propagates
itself in society through the classes, acting on all human beings from
l-hildhood onward as the callousness of their fellows. People are gende
180 Notes and Sketches
when they want something from those who are stronger, and harsh when
the weaker want something from them. That has been the key to the
nature of the person in society up to now.
The conclusion drawn by conservatives, that terror and civilization
are inseparable, is well founded. What could enable human beings to
develop the ability to master complex stimuli, if not their own developmental
exertions, which have to be spurred on by external resistance? The
resistance which drives them is first embodied in the father; later it grows
a thousand heads: teachers, superiors, customers, competitors, the representatives
of social and state powers. Their brutality stimulates individual
spontaneity.
That this harshness might be moderated in the future, that the bloody
punishments by which humanity has been tamed in the course of centuries
could be replaced by the establishment of sanatoria, seems no more than a
dream. Simulated compulsion is powerless. Culture has evolved under the
shadow of the executioner; Genesis, which tells of the expulsion from
Paradise, and the Soirees de Petersbourg" are in agreement on this. Work and
pleasure take place under the shadow of the executioner. To contradict this
is to fly in the face of all science, all logic. One cannot abolish terror and
retain civilization. Even to relax the former means the beginning of disintegration.
The most diverse conclusions can be drawn from this: from the
worship of fascist barbarism to a flight into the circles of Hell.* There is one
other possibility: to scorn logic, if it is against humanity.
ANI MAL P SYCH O LOGY"'
A large dog stands beside the highway. If he walks trustfully onto it
he will be run over. His peaceful expression indicates that normally he is
better looked after-a pet which no one harms. Bur do the sons of the
upper bourgeoisie, whom no one harms, have peaceful expressions on
their faces? They have not been worse looked after than the dog, which is
now run over.
FOR VO LTAIRE
Your reason is one-sid d. whispers one-sided reason; you have done
power an injustice. You have trumpeted the scandal of tyranny eloquent-
Notes and Sketches r8r
ly, tearfully, sarcastically, thunderously; but the good that power has
brought about-on that you have kept silent. Without the security which
only power could establish, that good would never have come into being.
Beneath the wings of power, life and love have played; even your own happiness
has been wrested from hostile nature by power. Thoughts inspired
by apologetics are true and false at once. Despite its great accomplishments,
only power can commit injustice, for only the executed j udgment
is unjust, not the lawyer's unexecuted plea. Only when discourse aims at
oppression, defending power instead of powerlessness, does it contribute
to the general wrong. But power, one-sided reason now whispers, is represented
by human beings. By exposing the former, you make a target of the
latter. And after them, worse perhaps will come. The lie speaks truth.
When fascist murderers are waiting, one should not incite the people
against the weak government. But even the alliance with the less brutal
power does not imply that one should keep silent about infamies. The
likelihood that good causes might be damaged by denunciation of the
injustice which protects them from the devil has always been outweighed
by the advantage the devil gains if the denunciation of injustice is left solely
to him. How far must a society have sunk in which only scoundrels still
speak the truth-and Goebbels reminds us that the lynch mob is still happily
at work. Not the good but the bad is the subject maner of theory.
Theory presupposes the reproduction of life in its existing forms. Its element
is freedom, its theme oppression. Where language grows apologetic,
it is already corrupted; by its nature it can be neither neutral nor practicaL-Could
you not portray the good sides of life and proclaim love as a
principle, instead of endless binerness?-There is only one expression for
truth: the thought which repudiates injustice. If insistence on the good
sides of life is not sublated in the negative whole, it transfigures its own
opposite: violence. Wirh words I can intrigue, propagate, suggest; that is
the attribute which entangles them, as it entangles all activity in the world,
and is the only one which is understood by the lie. It insinuates that even
when one contradicts the existing order, one is acting in the service of
other, emergent powers, competing bureaucracies, and rulers. In its nameless
fear, it can and will see only what resembles itself. Anything which is
ahsorhed into its medium, language as mere instrument, becomes identical
to the lie as objects become indistinguishable in darkness. Bur
.although it is true that there is no word which could not ultimately be
r82 Notes and Sketches
used by the lie, the word's temper never gleams in the lie but only in the
thought hardened in the fight against power. Uncompromising hatred of
the terror inflicted on the last of the earth's creatures legitimizes the gratitude
of those who are spared. Invocation of the sun is idolatry. Only the
spectacle of the tree withered in its heat gives a presentiment of the
majesty of the day which will not scorch the world on which it shines.
C LASSIFICAT ION
General concepts coined by means of abstraction or axiomatically by
individual sciences form the material of representation no less than the
names of individual objects. Opposition to general concepts is absurd.
There is more to be said, however, about the starus of the general. What
many individual things have in common, or what constantly recurs in one
individual thing, needs not be more stable, eternal, or deep than the particular.
The scale of categories is not the same as that of significance. That
was precisely the error of the Elearics and all who followed them, with
Plato and Aristotle at their head.
The world is unique. The mere repetition in speech of moments
which occur again and again in the same form bears more resemblance to
a futile, compulsive litany than to the redeeming word. Classification is a
condition of knowledge, not knowledge itsel£ and knowledge in rurn dissolves
classification.
AVALANC H E --
The present time is without turning points. A turn of events is
always for the better. But when, as today, calamity is at irs height, the heavens
open and hurl their fire on those who are lost in any case.
This impression is communicated first of all by what was commonly
called the social and political sphere. At one rime, the front pages of
daily newspapers seemed strange and vulgar to happy women and children-newspapers
reminded them of alehouse swagger-until the bold
headline finally crossed their threshold as a real threat. Rearmament, overseas
affairs, tension in the Mediterranean, and who knows what other
granJiose phrases put genuine fear into people, until the First World War
broke out. Then, with irs ever more dizzying figurs=s, came inflation.
Notes and Sketches 183
When it paused in irs course, that did not mean a turning point but still
greater misfortune: rationalization, closures, demolition. When Hitler's
vote went up, modestly at first but insistently, it was already clear that its
motion was that of an avalanche. Voting figures are, indeed, characteristic
of that phenomenon. When, on the evening of the prefascist election day,
the first results came in from the districts an eighth, a sixteenth of the
votes already anticipated the whole. If ten or twenty districts turn en masse
in a certain direction, the remaining hundred will not oppose them.
Already a uniform mentality exists. The essence of the world coincides
with the statistical law by which its surface is classified.
In Germany, fascism triumphed under a crassly xenophobic, anticultural,
collectivist ideology. Now that it has devastated the earth, nations
must fight against it; there is no other way. Bur when all is over, a spirit of
freedom need not spread across Europe; irs nations may become as xenophobic,
as hostile to culture, and as pseudocollectivisr as the fascism
against which they had to defend themselves. Even its defeat will not necessarily
break the motion of the avalanche.
The fundamental principle of liberal philosophy was that of
both/and. Today the principle of either/or seems to apply, bur in such a
way that the decision has already been taken for the worse.
ISOLATION BY C O MMUNICATION
That communication media cause isolation is true not only in the
intellecrual sphere. Not only does the mendacious idiom of the radio
announcer fix itself in the brain as an image of language itself, preventing
people from speaking to one another; not only does the voice advertising
Pepsi-Cola drown out the leveling of continents; not only does the ghostly
image of the cinema hero model the embraces of adolescents, and later
adultery. Progress keeps people literally apart. The little counter at the railroad
station or the bank allowed the clerks to whisper to their colleagues
and share their meager secrets; the glass partitions of modern offices, the
huge rooms in which countless employees sitting together can be easily
supervised both by the public and by their managers, no longer countenance
private conversations and idylls. Even in offices, the taxpayer is now
protcClcd from wasting of rime by wage earners, who are isolated in their
l ollcctivc. Bur the means of communication also isolate people physically.
184 Notes and Sketches
The railroad has been supplanted by cars. The making of travel acquaintances
is reduced by the private automobile to half-threatening encounters
with hitchhikers. People travel on rubber tires in strict isolation from one
another. What is talked about in one family automobile is the same as in
another; in the nuclear family, conversation is regulated by practical interests.
Just as every family with a certain income spends the same percentage
on housing, cinema, cigarettes, exactly as statistics prescribe, the subject
matter of conversations is schematized according to the class of automobile.
When they meet on Sunday outings or in restaurants, the menus
and decor of which are identical to others in the same price category, the
guests find that with increasing isolation they have become more and
more alike. Communication makes people conform by isolating them.
ON THE C RITIQUE OF THE PHILOSO PHY
OF HISTORY
The human species is not, as has been asserted, a freak event in natural
history, an incidental and abnormal formation produced by hypertrophy
of the cerebral organ. That assertion is true only of reason in certain
individuals, or perhaps even of a few countries over short periods,
when the economy has allowed maneuvering space to such individuals.
The cerebral organ, human intelligence, is firmly established enough to
constitute a regular epoch of the earth's history. In this epoch, the human
species, including
,
its machines, chemicals, and organizational powersfor
why should they not be seen as a part of it as teeth are a part of the
bear, since they serve the same purpose and merely function better?-is
the last word in adaptation. Humans have not only overtaken their immediate
predecessors but have eradicated them more thoroughly than almost
any other recent species, not excluding the carnivorous saurians.
In face of this it seems somewhat whimsical to try to construe world
history, as did Hegel, in terms of categories such as freedom and justice.
These categories do indeed originate in eccentric individuals, who arc
insignificant in relation to the general course of the whole, unless it be that
they help to bring about transient historical conditions in which especially
large quantities of machines and chemicals are produced to strengthen
the species and subjugate others. According to this serious history. all
Notes and Sketches 185
ideas, prohibitions, religions, and political creeds are of interest only insofar
as, arising from diverse conditions, they increase or decrease the natural
survival prospects of the human species on the earth or within the universe.
The liberation of citizens from the injustice of the feudal and absolutist
past served, through liberalism, to unleash machinery, just as the
emancipation of women has culminated in their being trained as a branch
of the armed forces. The mind, and all that is good in its origins and existence,
is hopelessly implicated in this horror. We owe the serum which the
doctor administers to the sick child to the attack on defenseless creatures.
In the endearments of lovers, as in the most sacred symbols of Christianity,
we can detect the lust for the flesh of the kid, just as the ambiguous
respect for the totem animal is discernible in that lust. Even our complex
understanding of cooking, church, and theater is a consequence of
the sophisticated division of labor, which exists at the expense of nature
within and outside human society. The historical function of culture lies
in retroactively heightening this form of organization. That is why genuine
thought, which detaches itself from that function, reason in its pure form,
takes on the trait of madness which down-to-earth people have never
failed to observe. If that kind of reason were to win a decisive victory within
humanity, the predominance of the species would be threatened. The
"freak event" theory would finally turn out to be true. But that theory,
which cynically sought to support a critique of the anthropocentric philosophy
of history, is itself too anthropocentric to hold true. Reason acts
as an instrument of adaptation and not as a sedative, as might appear from
the use sometimes made of it by individuals. Its ruse consists in making
humans into beasts with an ever-wider reach, and not in bringing about
the identity of subject and object.
A philosophical interpretation of world history would have to show
how, despite all the detours and resistances, the systematic domination
over nature has been asserted more and more decisively and has integratnl
all internal human characteristics. Economic, political, and cultural
li1rms* would have to be derived from this position. The idea of the superhuman
can be applicable only in the sense of a transition from quantity to
quality. Just as the airman with the toxic spray, who in a few flights can
, lc:msc the last continents of the last free animals, might be called supert
n.tn in comparison to the troglodyte,* a human super-amphibian might
, nmc into being for whom the airman of today would seem like a harm-
186 Notes and Sketches
less swallow. But it is doubtful whether a species one stage higher than
man can emerge as a genuine product of natural history. For anthropomorphism
contains a measure of truth in that natural history did not reckon
with the happy throw of the dice it accomplished in engendering the
human being. The human capacity for destruction promises to become so
great that-once this species has exhausted itself-a tabula rasa will have
been created. Either the human species will tear itself to pieces or it will
take all the earth's fauna and flora down with it, and if the earth is still
young enough, the whole procedure-to vary a famous dictum* -will
have to start again on a much lower level.
By attributing humane ideas as active powers to history, and presenting
them as history's culmination, the philosophy of history stripped
them of the naivety inherent in their content. The poor figure always cut
by such ideas when the economy-that is, when power-was not with
them* makes a mockery of everything weak, and in this way their authors
have unwittingly identified themselves with the oppression they sought to
abolish. The philosophy of history repeats what happened in Christianity:
the good, which in reality remains at the mercy of suffering, is dressed up
as a force which determines the course of history and finally triumphs. It
is deified as the World Spirit or as an immanent law. But not only is history
thereby turned into its direct opposite, but the idea, which was supposed
to break the necessity, the logical course of events, is itself distorted.
The danger of the "freak event" is averred. Impotence mistaken for power
is denied a second time by such elevation, as if erased from memory. In
this way, Christianity, idealism, and materialism, which in themselves contain
truth, also bear guilt for the villainies committed in their name. In
proclaiming power-even a benign power-they became themselves
highly organized historical powers, and as such played their bloody role in
the real history of the human species: as instruments of organization.
Because history as the correlative of unified theory, as something
capable of interpretation, is not the good but, in fact, the horror, thought
is in reality a negative element. The hope for better conditions, insofar as
it is not merely an illusion, is founded less on the assurance that those conditions
are guaranteed, sustainable, and final than on a lack of respect for
what is so firmly ensd:mced amid the general suffering. The infinite
patience, the tender, never-extinguished impulse of creaturely life toward
expression and light, which seems to soften an(pacify within itself the
Notes and Sketches 187
violence of creative evolution, does not, like the rational philosophies of
history, prescribe a certain praxis as beneficial, not even that of nonresistance.
The light of reason, which dawned in that impulse and is reflected
in the recollecting thought of human beings, falls, even on the happiest
day, on its irresolvable contradiction: the calamity which reason alone cannot
avert.
MONUM ENTS TO H UMAN ITY
Humanity has always been more at home in France than elsewhere.
But the French were no longer aware of the fact. What their books contained
was ideology recognized by all. The better qualities led a segregated
existence of their own: in the inflection of voice, the turn of phrase, the
artful cuisine, the existence of brothels, the cast-iron pissoirs. But the
Blum government* already declared war on such respect for the individual,
and even the conservatives did little to protect its monuments.
F ROM A THEORY OF THE CRIMI NAL*
... Like the criminal, imprisonment was a bourgeois affair. In the
Middle Ages incarceration was reserved for the offspring of princes who
symbolized an inconvenient hereditary claim. Criminals were tortured to
death, to instill a respect for order and law in the mass of the population,
since the example of severity and cruelty reaches the severe and cruel to
love. Regular imprisonment presupposes a rising need for l bor power.* It
reflects the bourgeois mode of life as suffering. The rows of cells in a modern
prison represent monads in the true Leibnizian sense. "The Monads
have no windows, through which anything could come in or go out.
Accidents cannot separate themselves from substances nor go about outside
them, as the 'sensible species' of the Scholastics used to do. Thus neit
her substance nor accident can come into a Monad from outside."17 The
monads have no direct influence on one another; their lives are regulated
and coordinated by God, or the prison administration. 18 The absolute
lonel iness, the enforced reliance on a self whose whole being consists in
1 he mastering of material and the monotOnous rhythm of work, spectrally
prefigure human existence in the modern world. The radical isolation
.md the radical rcdunion to an unchanging, hopeless nothingness are
r88 Notes and Sketches
identical. The human being in jail is the virtual image of the bourgeois
type he has yet to make himself in reality. Those who fail to achieve this
outside have it inflicted on them with terrible purity inside. The rationalization
of prison life through the need to segregate the criminal from society,
or even to improve him, does nor go to the root of the matter. Prisons
are the image of the bourgeois working world thought through to the end,
set up as an emblem in the world by the hatred of human beings for what
they are forced to make themselves become. The weak, the retarded, the
brutalized must suffer in modified form the order of life to which others
have lovelessly adapted themselves; the introverted violence of the latter is
grimly repeated against the former. The criminal, in whose crime selfpreservation
was paramount, has in reality the weaker, more labile self; the
habitual offender is an enfeebled being.
Prisoners are invalids. Their weakness has brought them into a situation
which has undermined them in body and mind and continues to do
so. Most were already sick when they committed the crime which put
them in prison-sick through their constitution and their circumstances.
Other acted as any healthy person would in the same constellation of
stimuli and motives but were simply unlucky. A residue were more malevolent
and cruel than most free people-as malevolent and cruel in their
persons as the fascist world rulers are through their positions. The deed of
the common criminal is petty, personal, directly destructive. The probability
is that even in the case of the most extreme crimes the living substance,
which is the same in everyone, could not, in any embodiment,
have escaped the pressure of bodily constitution and individual fate from
birth onward which :
led the criminal to the crime; and that you and I, but
for the grace of the insight granted ro us through a chain of circumstances,
would have acted like the person who committed murder. And now, as
prisoners, they are mere invalids, and the punishment meted our ro them
is blind, an alien event, a misfortune like cancer or the collapse of a house.
Imprisonment is a lingering illness. This is revealed by prisoners' expressions,
their cautious gait, their circumstantial way of thinking. Like the
sick, they can talk only of their sickness.
When, as today, the boundaries between respectable and illegal rackets
are objectively fluid, psyq10logical figures also merge. But as long as
criminals were still invalids, as in the nineteenth century, custody represented
a reversal of their weakness. The strength to stand out as an indi-
Notes and Sketches 189
vidual against one's environment and, at the same time, to make contact
with it through the approved forms of intercourse and thereby to assert
oneself within it-in criminals this strength was eroded. They represented
a tendency deeply inherent in living things, the overcoming of which is
the mark of all development: the tendency to lose oneself in one's surroundings
instead of actively engaging with them, the inclination to let
oneself go, to lapse back into nature. Freud called this the death impulse,
Caillois le mimltisme. 19 Addiction of this kind permeates anything which
runs counter to unswerving progress, from crime, which cannot take the
detour through the current forms of labor, to the sublime work of art. The
yielding attitude to things without which art cannot exist is not so far
removed from the clenched violence of the criminal. The inability to say
No which causes the young girl to succumb to prostitution also tends to
determine the career of the criminal. He is characterized by a negation
which lacks the power of resistance. Against such deliquescenGe, whichwithout
definite consciousness, timid and impotent even in its most brutal
form-at the same time imitates and destroys pitiless civilization, the
latter sets the solid walls of prisons and workhouses, its own stony ideal.
Just as, according to de Tocqueville, bourgeois republics, unlike monarchies,
do not violate the body but set to work directly on the soul, punishments
of this kind attack the spirit. Those they torture no longer die
broken on the wheel over long days and nights but perish mentally, as
silent, invisible examples in the great prison buildings, which differ from
lunatic asylums almost only in name.
Fascism absorbs both institutions. The concentration of command
throughout production is causing society to revert to the stage of direct
rule. As the detour of power via the internal markets of nations disappears,
so, too, do intellectual mediations, including law. Thinking, which had
developed though transactions, as a result of egoism's need to negotiate, is
now given over wholly to the planning of violent appropriation. The fascist
mass murderer has emerged as the pure essence of the German factory
owner, no longer distinguished from the criminal by anything but
power. The detour has become unnecessary. Civil law, which continued to
function in regulating differences between entrepreneurs surviving in the
shadow of big industry, has become a kind of tribunal against the lower
orders, a justice which no longer upholds, however badly, the interests of
victims-a mere instrument of terror. However, the legal protection
190 Notes and Sketches
which is now disappearing once defined property. Monopoly, as the consummation
of private property, is annihilating the latter's concept. Of the
international and social contract, which fascism* in its dealings with states
is replacing by secret agreements, only the compulsion of the universal is
allowed to apply in internal affairs, a compulsion its servants then liberally
administer to the rest of humanity. In the totalitarian state* punishment
and crime are being liquidated as superstitious residues, and a naked eradication
of opponents, certain of its political goal, is spreading across
Europe under the regime of criminals. Next to the concentration camp,
the penitentiary seems like a memory of the good old days, much as the
old-style advertiser, though it already betrayed truth, appears beside the
glossy magazine, the literary content of which-even if it concerns
Michelangelo-performs the function, still more than the advertisements,
of business report, emblem of authority and publicity medium. The isolation
once inflicted on prisoners from outside has by now implanted itself
universally in the flesh and blood of individuals. Their well-trained souls
and happiness are as bleak as the prison cells which the rulers can already
do without, since the entire labor force of nations has fallen to them as
spoils. The penal sentence pales beside the social reality.
LE P RIX DU P ROGRES
In a recently discovered lerter by the French physiologist Pierre
Flourens, who once had the unhappy distinction of being elected to the
Academie Fran aise in preference to Victor Hugo, a curious passage
occurs:
I still cannot bring myself to assent to the use of chloroform in general surgical
practice. As you may know, I have devoted extensive study to this drug and
as a result of animal experiments have been one of the first to describe its specific
characteristics. My scruples are based on the simple fact that operations under
chloroform, and probably also under the other known forms of narcosis, amount
to a deception. The agents act only on certain motor and coordination centers and
on the residual capacity of the nerve substance. Under the influence of chloroform
it loses a significant part of its ability to record traces of impressions but nor
rhe capacity for feeling as such. On the contrary, my observations indicate that in
conjunction with a general paralysis of innervation, pain is felt still more keenly
than in rhc normal state. The deception of rhc public results from the inability of
Notes and Sketches 191
the patient to remember the events once the operation is completed. If we told
our patients the rruth, it is likely that none of them would opt for the drug,
whereas now, as a result of our silence, they generally insist on its use.
But even disregarding the fact that the only, dubious benefit is a loss of
memory regarding the time of the intervention, the spread of this practice seems
to me ro bring with it a far more serious danger. Given the increasing superficiality
of the general academic training of our doctors, medicine might be encouraged
by an unlimited use of the drug heedlessly ro undertake ever more complicated
and serious surgical interventions. Instead of carrying out such experiments on
animals in the service of research, we should then make our patients the unwitting
subjects of experimenrs. It is conceivable that the painful excitations which,
in view of their specific nature, may exceed all known sensations of this kind,
would cause lasting psychical damage to the patient, or might even lead to an
indescribably agonizing death under narcosis, the peculiarities of which would
remain for ever hidden from family members and the world. Would that not be
altogether too great a price to pay for progress?
If Flourens were right in this letter, the obscure workings of the
world's divine governance would at least for once be justified. The animal
would be avenged by the sufferings of its executioner: each operation a
vivisection. A suspicion would arise that our anitude toward human
beings, and toward all creatures, is no different to that toward ourselves
after a successful operation: blindness to torment. For cognition, the space
separating us from others would mean the same thing as the time between
us and the suffering in our own past: an insurmountable barrier. But the
perennial dominion over nature, medical and nonmedical technology, derives
its strength from such blindness; it would be made possible only by
oblivion. Loss of memory as the transcendental condition of science. All
reification is forgetting.*
VAIN TERRO R
The gaze fixed on calamity has an element of fascination. But therelim:
of secret complicity. So strong are the social bad conscience of all who
have a pan in injustice, and the hatred of fulfilled life, that in critical situations
they turn directly against self-interest as an immanent revenge.
There was in the French bourgeois a fatal agency which ironically resemhlnl
the heroic ideal of the f.1scists: they rejoiced in the triumph of their
l i keness, as expressed in Hitler's rise, even though it threatened them with
192 Notes and Sketches
ruin; indeed, they took their own ruin as evidence of the justice of the
order they represented. A precursor of this behavior is found in the attitude
of many rich people to impoverishment, the image of which they
conjure up under the rationalization of parsimony: it is their latent tendency,
even while they fight tenaciously for every penny, suddenly to give
up all their possessions without a fight or irresponsibly to gamble them
away. In fascism they achieve the synthesis of power-craving and self-hate,
and their vain terror is always accompanied by the qualification: I always
saw it coming.
I NTEREST IN THE BOD Y
Beneath the known history of Europe there runs a subterranean one.
It consists of the fate of the human instincts and passions repressed and
distorted by civilization. From the vantage point of the fascist present, in
which the hidden is coming to light, the manifest history is also revealing
its connection to that dark side, which is passed over in the official legend
of nation states, and no less in its progressive critique.
Most mutilated of all is the relationship to the body. Under the division
of labor, in which the benefits accrued to one side and labor to the
other, brute strength was anathematized. The less the masters could do
without the labor of the rest, the more base labor was declared to be. Like
the slave, work received a stigma. Christianity celebrated labor but, in
compensation, vilified the flesh as the source of all evil. In collusion with
the unbeliever ,Machiavelli, it rang in the modern bourgeois order by
extolling work, '
which in the Old Testament had been designated a curse.
For the Desert Fathers, Dorotheus, Moses the Robber, Paul the Simple,
and others of the poor in spirit, labor was still a direct means of entering
the Kingdom of Heaven. For Luther and Calvin the link between work
and salvation was already so convoluted that the relentless injunction to
work seems almost like mockery, the boot grinding the worm into the
dust.
The princes and patricians could console themselves for the religious
gulf which had opened between their earthly days and their eternal vocation
with the thought df the revenues they would derive from the labor
rime of others. For the irrationality of the doctrine of election left rhe possibility
of redemption open to them. But on rpe mhcrs the pressure
Notes and Sketches 193
weighed all the more heavily. They were dimly aware that the mortification
of the flesh by power was nothing other than the ideological reflection
of the oppression practiced on them. The fate of the slaves of
Antiquity was endured by victims up to the modern colonial peoples: they
counted as inferior. There were by nature two races: the higher and the
lower. The emancipation of the European individual took place in conj
unction with a general cultural transformation by which the split within
the emancipated penetrated more deeply the more the external physical
compulsion abated. The exploited body was to be regarded by the lower
orders as the bad and the mind, for which the others had leisure, as the
highest good. This development made Europe capable of its most sublime
cultural achievements, but, at the same time as the control over the body
was increased, the hint of fraud which had been detectable from the first
also intensified the obscene malice, the love-hate toward the body which
permeated the mentality of the masses over the centuries and found its
authentic expression in the language of Luther. In the relationship of individuals
to the body, their own and that of others, is reenacted the irrationality
and injustice of power as cruelty; and that irrationality is as far
removed from j udicious insight and serene reflection as power is from freedom.
In Nietzsche's theory of cruelty, and still more in the work of Sade,
the extent of this connection is recognized, while in Freud's doctrines of
narcissism and the death impulse it is interpreted psychologically.
Love-hate for the body colors the whole of modern culture. The
body is scorned and rejected as something inferior, enslaved, and at the
same time is desired as forbidden, reified, estranged. Only culture treats
the body as a thing that can be owned, only in culture has it been distinguished
from mind, the quintessence of power and command, as the
object, the dead thing, the corpus. In humanity's self-abasement to the corpus
nature takes its revenge for the debasement of the human being to an
object of power, to raw material. The compulsion toward cruelty and
destruction stems from the organic repression of proximity to the body,
much as, according to Freud's inspired intuition, disgust came into being
when, with the adoption of the upright stance and the greater distance
t'rom the earth, the sense of smell, which attracted the male animal to the
lllcnsrruating female, fell victim to organic repression. In Western civilizal
ion, and probably in any civilization, what pertains to the body is
1 .1hoocd, a subject of attraction and revulsion. Among the Greek rulers,
194 Notes and Sketches
and in feudalism, the relationship to the body was also conditioned by
power, through the need for personal physical prowess. The cultivation of
the body had a naively social objective. The kalos kagathos was only partly
an illusion; in part the gymnasium was needed for the actual maintenance
of personal power, at least as training in the lordly posture. With the complete
transition of power to the bourgeois form mediated by trade and
communications, and still more with the rise of industry, a formal change
occurred. Instead of to the sword, humanity has enslaved itself to the
gigantic apparatus, which, to be sure, ultimately forges the sword. The
rational purpose of enhancing the male body thereby disappeared; the
Romantic attempts to achieve a renascence of the body in the nineteenth
and twentieth centuries merely idealize something dead and mutilated.
Nietzsche, Gauguin, George, and Klages recognized the nameless stupidity
which is the result of progress. But they drew the wrong conclusion.
They did not denounce the wrong as it is bur transfigured the wrong as it
was. The rejection of mechanization became an embellishment of industrial
mass culture, which cannot do without the noble gesture. Against
their will, artists reworked the lost image of the unity of body and mind
for the adverrising industry. The celebration of paragons of vitality, from
the Blond Beast to the south-sea islanders, c ulminates ineluctably in the
"sarong film," the advertisements for vitamins and skin cream, which are
only stand-ins for the immanent goal of publicity: the new, big, beautiful,
noble human type-the leaders and their troops. The fascist leaders again
take the implements of murder into their hands, executing their prisoners
with pistol an horsewhip, nor as a result of their superior strength bur
because the gi1
gantic apparatus and the real holders of power, who still
abstain from such acts, deliver the victims of reason of stare to the basement
of their headquarters.
The body cannot be turned back into the envelope of the soul. It
remains a cadaver, no matter how trained and fit it may be. The transformation
into dead matter, indicated by the affinity of corpus to corpse, was
a part of the perennial process which turned nature into stuff, material.
The achievements of civilization are a product of sublimation, of the
acquired love-hate for body and earth, from which domination has violently
severed all humari beings. The spirit's reaction to the corporealization
of humanity is productive in medicine, while its reaction to the reiflcation
of the whole of nature is productive in tec
,
hnology. But the mur-
Notes and Sketches 195
derer, the killer, the brutalized colossi who are used by the ruling powers,
legal and illegal, great and small, as their clandestine enforcers, the violent
men who are always on hand when there is someone to be dispatched, the
lynchers and clan members, the bruiser who steps in when someone
answers back, the terrible figures to whom everyone is delivered up as soon
as the protective hand of power is withdrawn from them, a soon as they
lose wealth and position, all the werewolves lurking in the darkness of history
and sustaining the fear without which there is no domination: in
them the love-hate for the body is crude and direct; they desecrate what
they touch, they destroy what they see in the light, and this destruction is
a rancor against reification; in blind rage they repeat against the living
thing what they cannot make undone: the splitting of life into mind and
its object. The human being irresistibly attracts them, they want to reduce
him or her to the body, nothing shall be allowed to live. This enmity of
the lowest for the life withered within them, an enmity once carefully
implanted and nurtured by those at the top, whether secular or clerical,
and to which the lowest relate themselves, homosexually and paranoiacally,
by killing, has always been an indispensable instrument of the art of
government. The hostility of the enslaved to life is an inexhaustible source
of history's dark side. Even the puritanical excess, hitting the booze, takes
despairing revenge on life.
The love of nature and fate proclaimed by totalitarian propaganda is
merely a superficial reaction to fixation at the level of the body, to the failure
of civilization to fulfill itself. Being unable to escape it, one praises the
hody when not allowed to hit it. The "tragic" world-view of the fascists* is
the ideological stag party on the eve of the real blood wedding. Those who
l"Xtolled the body in Germany, the gymnasts and outdoor sports enthusiasts,
always had an intimate affinity to killing, as nature lovers have to
hunting. They see the body as a mobile mechanism, with its hinged links,
1 he Aesh upholstering the skeleton. They manipulate the body, actuating
1 he limbs as if they were already severed. The Jewish tradition instills an
.1version to measuring human beings with a yardstick, because the dead are
measured-for the coffin. That is what gives the body-manipulators their
mjoyment. Unaware, they measure the other with the eye of the coffin
111.1kcr. The truth comes out when they state the result, calling the person
1 .dl l in German: long] , short, fat, heavy. They are interested in illness,
.1111 iripating their fellow diner's death in what he eats, their interest being
196 Notes and Sketches
only thinly rationalized by concern for his health. Language keeps in step
with them. It has converted the stroll into exercise and food into calories,
just as in English and French the name for a throng of living trees is synonymous
with "timber. " Along with the mortality rate, society is reducing
life to a chemical process.
In the fiendish humiliation of prisoners in the concentration camps,
which-for no rational reason-the modern executioner adds to the death
by torture, the unsublimated yet repressed rebellion of despised nature
breaks out. Its full hideousness is vented on the manyrs oflove, the alleged
sexual offenders and libertines, for sexuality is the body unreduced; it is
expression, that which the butchers secretly and despairingly crave. In free
sexuality the murderer fears the lost immediacy, the original oneness, in
which he can no longer exist. It is the dead thing which rises up and lives.
He now makes everything one by making it nothing, because he has to stifle
that oneness in himself. For him the victim represents life which has
survived the schism; it must be broken and the universe must be nothing
but dust and abstract power.
MASS S O CIETY
Complementing the cult of stars is the social mechanism of the notables,
which levels anything that stands out; the stars and dignitaries are
mere patterns for the ready-made world, and for the scissors of juridical
and economic justice, which snip off the last loose ends.
Postscri t
The view that the leveling and standardization of people in general,
on the one hand, is matched, on the other, by a heightening of individu­
·ality in the so-called leader figures, in keeping with their power, is erroneous
and itself a piece of ideology. The fascist masters of today are not so
much supermen as functions of their own publicity apparatus, intersections
of the identical reactions of countless people. If, in the psychology of
the present-day masses, the leader no longer represents the father so much
as the collective, monstrously enlarged projection of the impotent ego of
each individual, then the leader figures do indeed correspond to what they
represent. Not by accident do they resemble hairdressers, provincial
actors, and gutter journalists. A parr of their moral influence lies precisely
.
Notes and Sketches 197
m the fact that, while in themselves as powerless as all the rest, they
embody on the latter's behalf rhe whole abundance of power without
being anything more than the blank spaces which power has happened to
occupy. It is not so much that they are exempt from the decay of individuality
as that decayed individuals triumph in them and are in some way
rewarded for their decay. The leaders have become fully what they always
were slightly throughout the bourgeois era, actors playing leaders. The distance
between the individuality of Bismarck and of Hider is hardly less
than that between the prose of Gedanken und Erinnerungen and the gibberish
of Mein Kampf In the struggle against fascism, not the least concern
is to reduce the bloated leader images to the true scale of their
insignificance. At least in the similarity between the ghetto barber and the
dictator, Chaplin's film* hit on something essential.
CONTRADICTIONS
A moral system, with axioms, corollaries, and iron logic, and reliable
application to every moral dilemma-that is what is demanded of philosophers.
As a rule, they have fulfilled the expectation. Even when they have
not set up a practical system or a fully developed casuistry, they have managed
to derive obedience to authority from their theories. Usually they
have justified once again the whole scale of values already sanctioned by
public praxis, with all the comforts of sophisticated reasoning, demonstration,
and evidence. "Honor the gods through the traditional native
religion," said Epicurus,l0 and Hegel said it after him. A philosopher who
hesitates to make such a profession is all the more energetically required
to deliver a general principle. If ---------
thought does not simp_!y reaffirm the
--· ·-· ---- -- ----- ..
prevalent rules, it must appear yet more self-assured, universal, and
authoritative than if it had merely justified what was already in force. You
consider the prevailing power unjust; would you rather have no power at
all, but chaos? You criticize the standardization of life and progress; should
we then light wax candles in the evening and have our cities filled with the
stink of refuse, as in the Middle Ages? You do not like slaughterhouses;
should society henceforth eat raw vegetables? The positive answers to such
questions, however absurd, find willing listeners. Political anarchism, the
reacrionary arts and crafts movement, radical vegetarianism, eccentric
seers ;md parries have "advertising appeal. " The doctrine need only be gen-
198 Notes and Sketches
era!, self-assured, universal, and imperative. What people cannot endure is
the attempt to evade the either/or, the mistrust of abstract principles,
steadfastness without a doctrine.
Two young people are having a conversation:
A. You don't want to be a doctor?
B. By their profession doctors have a lot to do with dying people; that desensitizes
them. Moreover, with advanced institutionalization the doctor represents
business and its hierarchy vis-a-vis the patient. He is often tempted to act as an
advocate of death. He becomes an agent of big business" against consumers. If one
is selling automobiles ir's not so bad, but if the commodity being administered is
life and the consumers are the sick, that's a situation I'd prefer nor to be in. The
profession of family doctor may have been more innocuous, bur rhat is in decline.
A. So you think there shouldn't be any doctors, or the old charlatans ought
to come back?
B. I did not say that. I just have a horror of being a doctor myself, and especially
a senior consultant with power of command over a mass hospital. Nevertheless,
I do, of course, think it better to have doctors and hospitals than to leave
sick people to die. I would not want to be a public prosecutor, yet giving a free
run to armed robbers would seem to me a far greater evil than the existence of the
body of people who put them in prison. Justice is reasonable. I am not against reason;
I only want to investigate the form it has taken.
A. You are in contradiction with yourself. You yourself constantly make use
of the advantages provided by doctors and j udges. You are as guilty as they are. It
is just that you don't want to be burdened with the work which ochers do for you.
Your own life presupposes the principle you are trying to evade.
B. I do not deny ir, but contradiction is necessary. It is a response to the
objective contradiction of society. In a division of labor as complex as that of
today, horror can manifest itself in one place and bring down guilt on everyone.
If word of it got about, or if even a small proportion of people were aware of it,
lunatic asylums and penal institutes might be humanized and courts of justice
might finally be superfluous. But that is not the reason why I want to be a writer.
I just want to be clearer about the terrible state in which everything is.
A. If everyone thought as you do, and no one wanted to get his hands dirty,
there would be neither doctors nor judges, and the world would be even more
dreadful.
B. That is jusr what I find questionable; for if everyone thought as I do,
rhen I hope that not just the rt1eans of opposing evil would be reduced, bur evil
i1sclf. Humaniry has orher possibilities. I am nor the whole of humanity, and I
cannor simply represent it in my thought. The moral precept that each of my
.
Notes and Sketches 199
actions ought ro provide a general maxim is very problematic. Ir bypasses history.
Why should my disinclination ro be a doctor be equivalent to the view that there
should be no docrors? In reality there are many people who would make good
docrors and have a good chance of becoming one. If they behave morally within
the limits ro which their profession is subject today, rhey have my admiration.
Perhaps they may even contribute to reducing the deficiencies I have pointed out
to you; bur perhaps they will deepen them, despite all their professional skill and
morality. My life as I imagine ir, my horror and my desire for knowledge, seem ro
me as justified as the profession of docror, even though I cannot help anyone
directly.
A. But if you knew that by studying medicine you might one day save the
life of a loved person which would quite cenainly be lost without you, would you
not take it up at once?
B. Probably, bur by now you can see for yourself that with your love of
implacable logic you are forced to offer the most absurd examples, while I, with
my impractical obstinacy and my contradictions, have remained within the
bounds of common sense.
This conversation is repeated wherever someone refuses to give up
thought in face of praxis. Such a person finds logic and consistency always
on the other side. Anyone who is against vivisection ought not to draw a
single breath which might cost the life of a bacillus. Logic places itself in
the service of progress and of reaction, and .at all events of reality. And yet,
in an age when education is radically focused on reality, conversations have
become rarer, and the neurotic interlocutor B needs superhuman strength
in order not to become healthy.
MARKED
People in their forties are apt to make a curious observation. They
discover that most of those with whom they have grown up and kept in
contacr show disorders in their habits and their consciousness. One allows
his work to deteriorate so far that his business collapses; another destroys
his marriage through no fault of his wife; another embezzles. But even
t hose who escape such drastic changes bear signs of decomposition.
( :onversation with them becomes shallow, bombastic, fatuous. Whereas
earlier the person growing older received imellecrual stimulus from others,
now he finds himself almost the only one who voluntarily displays objec­
' 1 vc Interest.
200 Notes and Sketches
To begin with he is inclined to regard the development of his coevals
as an unpleasant accident. They have simply changed for the worse. Perhaps
it has to do with their generation and its special outward fate. Finally
he discovers that this experience is already familiar to him, but from a different
perspective: that of his youth in relation to grown-ups. Was he not
convinced then, too, that something was amiss with this or that teacher,
with his uncles and aunts, the friends of his parents, and, later, with the
university professors or the trainee's manager? It may have been that they
displayed some ridiculous tic or that their presence was especially barren,
oppressive, disappointing.
At that time he did not think further about it, accepting the inferiority
of grown-ups as simply a fact of nature. But now he finds it confirmed
that under the existing conditions the mere act of living while
maintaining specific technical or intellectual skills leads even in the prime
oflife to cretinism. Not even the worldly-wise are exempt. It is as if human
beings, as punishment for betraying the hopes of their youth and accommodating
themselves to the world, are marked by premature decay.
Postscript
The decay of individuality today not only teaches us to regard that
category as historical but also raises doubts concerning its positive nature.
The inherent principle of the phase of competition was the wrong done to
the individual. This relates, however, not only to the function of the individual
and its particularistic interests in society but also to the inner composition
of individuality itself. The tendency toward human emancipation
emerged under the aegis of individuality but at the same time was the
result of the very mechanism from which humanity was to be emancipated.
In the autonomy and uniqueness of the individual, the resistance to
the blind, repressive power of the irrational whole was crystallized. But
that resistance was made historically possible only by the blindness and
irrationality of the autonomous and unique individual. Conversely, however,
that which, as particularistic, was absolutely opposed to the whole
remains perniciously and opaquely attached ro the existing order. The radically
individual, unassimilated features of a human being are always both
at once: residues not fully encompassed by the prevailing system and still
happily surviving, and marks of the mutilation inflicted on its members by
d1 u system. In these traits, basic determi nants o£ the system arc repeated
Notes and Sketches 201
in exaggerated form: miserliness, for example, magnifies the principle of
fixed propeny, hypochondria that of unreflecting self-preservation. Because
the individual seeks desperately, through such traits, to assert itself
against the compulsions of nature and society-sickness and bankruptcy-the
traits themselves necessarily take on a compulsive quality. Within
its innermost cell the individual encounters the same power from which it
has fled within itself. This makes its flight a hopeless chimera. Moliere's
comedies show awareness of this curse no less than Daumicr's caricatures;
but the National Socialists, who arc abolishing the individual, feed contentedly
on it and set up Spitzwcg as their classical painter.
Only in relation to hardened society, and not absolutely, does the
hardened individual represent something better. Its hardness bears witness
to the shame called forth by what the collective ceaselessly does to the
individual and by what ensues when there are no longer individuals. The
acolytes of today, bereft of self, are the necessary consequence of the splenetic
apothecaries, the passionate rose growers and political cripples of yesterday.

PHILOSOPHY AND T H E DIVISION OF LAB OR
The place of science in the social division of labor is readily identified.
Its task is to accumulate facts and functional connections between
facts in the largest possible quantities. The storage system must be easily
surveyed. It must enable individual industries immediately to locate the
desired intellectual commodity in the required variety. Already the compilation
is largely made with an eye for certain industrial contracts.
Historical works, too, are required to contribute material. Its utility
is to be sought not directly in industry bur indirectly in administration.
Just as Machiavelli wrote for the purposes of princes and republics, historians
of today work for economic and political committees. Admittedly,
t he historical form has become an impediment to such use; the material is
hcner arranged straight away in terms of a specific administrative task: to
manipulate commodity prices or the emotions of the masses. In addition
to :tdministration and industrial consortia, trade unions and political par­
' ics arc potential customers.
Official philosophy serves the science which functions in this way. It
' ' 'upposed, like a kind of i nrcllccrual Taylorism, to improve scientific pro-
202 Notes and Sketches
duction methods, to rationalize the accumulation of knowledge, and prevent
the waste of mental energy. It has its alloned place in the division of
labor, like chemistry or bacteriology. The few philosophical residues which
hark back to the divine worship of the Middle Ages or the contemplation
of eternal essentialities are still tolerated at secular universities because they
are so reactionary. In addition, a few historians of philosophy continue to
propagate themselves by tirelessly expounding Plato and Descartes while
pointing out their obsoleteness. They are accompanied here and there by a
veteran of sensualism or an expert personalist who keeps the field of science
free of any dialectical weeds that might otherwise spring up.
Unlike its custodians, philosophy refers, among other things, to
thinking which refuses to capitulate to the prevailing division of labor and
does not accept prescribed tasks. The existing order coerces people not
merely by physical force and material interests but by overwhelming suggestion.
Philosophy is not a synthesis, a basic science, or an overarching
science but an effort to resist suggestion, a determination to protect intellectual
and actual freedom.
In this effort, the division of labor which has emerged under domination
is not ignored. Philosophy detects the lie which domination
inescapably brings with it. Refusing to be hypnotized by the preponderant
power, it pursues it into all its hiding-places in the social machinery, which
by its nature cannot be taken by storm, or placed under different control,
but must be understood in freedom from the spell which it casts. When
the officials which industry maintains in its intellectual departments-the
universities, churches, and newspapers-challenge philosophy to produce
credentials by which to legitimate its snooping, it finds itself fatally at a
loss. It acknowledges no abstract norms or goals which could be a practicable
alternative to those in force. Its exemption from the suggestive influence
of the existing order lies precisely in the fact that, without favoring
them, it accepts the bourgeois ideals, whether those which that order's
exponents still proclaim, in however distorted a form, or those which are
still discernible as the objective purpose of institutions, both technical and
cultural, despite all the manipulation. It believes that the division of labor
exists for the sake of human beings and that progress leads to freedom.
That is why it is liable to come into conflict both with the division of labor
and with progress. It gives voice to the contradiction between belief and
reality, paying close atrention to phenomena conditioned by the time.
Unlike t he press, it docs not attach more impon;;nce to gigantic mass
Notes and Sketches 203
murder than to the liquidation of a few asylum inmates. It does not place
the intrigues of the statesman compromised by fascism above the modest
lynching, or the advertising frenzy of the film industry above the intimate
funeral announcement. The taste for the grandiose is foreign to it. Thus it
is at the same time remote from the existing order and deeply complicit
with it. It lends its voice to irs subject, against the latter's will; it is the voice
of the contradiction which otherwise would not be heard, but would triumph
silently.
THOUGHT
It is, of course, mistaken to believe that the truth of a theory is the
same as its fruitfulness. There are some, however, who appear to assume
the opposite. For them, theory has so little need to find application in
thought that it should dispense with thinking altogether. They misinterpret
every utterance as a final profession of belief, an injunction, or a
taboo. They seek to submit to the idea as to a god or attack it as an idol.
They lack freedom in relation to it. But it is in the nature of truth that one
is involved in it as an active subject. People may hear propositions which
in themselves are true; but they experience their truth only by thinking as
they hear and by continuing to think.
This fetishism manifests itself in a drastic form today. One is called
to account for one's thoughts, as if they applied directly to praxis.* For this
reason, nor only is the utterance which attacks power found intolerable
bur the one which gropes forward experimentally, playing with the possibility
of error. Yet to be unfinished :ond to know it is the mark even of the
thought which opposes power, and especially of the thought for which it
would be worth dying. The proposition that the true is the whole* proves
to be the same as its antithesis, that truth exists only as a part. The most
wretched of the excuses which intellectuals have found for executioners­
.md in the last century they have not been idle in finding them-is that
t he thinking for which the victim was murdered was fallacious.
MAN AND B EAST
Throughout European history the idea of the human being has been
n prl:ssed in contradistinction to the animal. The latter's lack of reason is
du· proof of human di nity. So insistently and unanimously has this
204 Notes and Sketches
antithesis been recited by all the earliest precursors of bourgeois thought,
the ancient Jews, the Stoics, and the Early Fathers, and then through the
Middle Ages to modern times, that few other ideas are so fundamental to
Western anthropology. The antithesis is acknowledged even today. The
behaviorists only appear to have forgotten it. That they apply to human
beings the same formulae and results which they wring without restraint
from defenseless animals in their abominable physiological laboratories,
proclaims the difference in an especially subtle way. The conclusion they
draw from the mutilated animal bodies applies, not to animals in freedom,
but to human beings today.* By mistreating animals they announce that
they, and only they in the whole of creation, function voluntarily in the
same mechanical, blind, automatic way as the twitching movements of the
bound victims made use of by the expert. The professor at the dissection
table defines such movements scientifically as reflexes; the soothsayer at
the altar would have proclaimed them a sign from his gods. Humans possess
reason, which pitilessly follows its path; the animals from which they
draw their bloody conclusions have only unreasoning terror, the impulse
to take flight on a path which is cut off.
The lack of reason has no words. Its possession, which dominates
manifest history, is eloquent. The whole earth bears witness to the glory
of man. In war and peace, arena and slaughterhouse, from the slow death
of the elephant overpowered by primitive human hordes with the aid of
the first planning to the perfected exploitation of the animal world today,
the unreasoning creature has always suffered at the hands of reason. This
visible course of events conceals from the executioners the invisible one:
existence without the light of reason, the actual life of animals. It would
be the proper subject matter for psychology, for only the life of animals
runs irs course according to inner impulses; where psychology has to
explain human beings, they are already regressive and destroyed. When
the help of psychology is sought among human beings, the meager field
of their immediate relationships is narrowed still further, and even within
it they are made into things. Psychology used to explain others is impertinent,
and to explain one's own motives sentimental. Animal psychology,
meanwhile, has lost sight of its object; engrossed with the chicanery of its
traps and labyrinths, it has forgotten that to speak of and acknowledge a
psyche or soul (See/e) is appropriate precisely and only in the case of animals.
Even Aristotle, who attributed a soul ro them, if an inferior one, pre-

Notes and Sketches 205
ferred to speak of the bodies, parts, movements, and procreation of animals
rather than the life peculiar to them.
The world of animals is without concepts. There is no word to hold
fast the identical in the flux of phenomena, the same genus in the succession
of specimens, the same thing in changing situations. Although the
possibiliry of recognition is not absent, identification is restricted to vital
patterns. There is nothing in the flux* that could be defined as lasting, and
yet everything remains one and the same, because there is no fixed knowledge
of the past and no clear prospect into the future. The animal
responds to its name and has no self, it is enclosed in itself yet exposed,
one compulsion is followed by another, no idea extends beyond it. Its loss
of solace is not balanced by a reduction in fear, its lack of awareness of
happiness by the absence of mourning and pain. For happiness to become
substantial, for life to be endowed with death, identifying remembrance is
needed, assuaging knowledge, the religious or philosophical idea, in short,
the concept. There are happy animals, but how short-lived is that happiness!
The animal's experience of duration, uninterrupted by liberating
thought, is dreary and depressive. To escape the gnawing emptiness of
existence some resistance is needed, and its backbone is language. Even the
strongest animal is infinitely feeble. Schopenhauer's doctrine according to
which the pendulum oflife oscillates between pain and boredom, between
brief moments of sated impulse and endless craving, is true of the animal,
which cannot interrupt the fatal cycle with cognition. In the animal's soul
the individual feelings and needs of human beings are vestigially present,
without the stabiliry which only organizing reason confers. The 'best days
flit past in a bustling medley like a dream, which the animal can hardly
distinguish from waking in any case. It is without the clear division
between play and seriousness, the happy awakening from nightmare to
realiry.
In popular fairy tales the metamorphosis of humans into animals is
a recurring punishment. To be imprisoned in an animal body is regarded
as damnation. To children and peoples, the idea of such transformations
is immediately comprehensible and familiar. Believers in the transmigration
of souls in the earliest cultures saw the animal form as punishment
and torment. The mute wildness in the animal's gaze bears witness to the
horror which is feared by humans in such metamorphoses. Every animal
recalls to them an immense misfortune which took place in primeval
206 Notes and Sketches
times. Fairy tales express this dim human intuition. But whereas the
prince in the fairy tale retained his reason so that, when the time came, he
could tell of his woe and the fairy could release him, the animal's lack of
reason holds it eternally captive in its form, unless man, who is one with
it through his past, can find the redeeming formula and through it soften
the stony heart of infinity at the end of time.
For the being endowed with reason, however, concern for the unreasoning
animal is idJe. Western civilization has left that to women. They
have no autonomous share in the capabilities which gave rise to this civilization.
The man must go out into hostile life, must act and strive."' The
woman is not a subject. She does not produce but looks after the producers,
a living monument to the long-vanished time of the self-sufficient
household. The division of labor imposed on her by the man was unfavorable.
She became an embodiment of biological function, an image of
nature, in the suppression of which this civilization's claim to glory lay. To
dominate nature boundJessly, to turn the cosmos into an endless hunting
ground, has been the dream of millennia. It shaped the idea of man in a
male society. It was the purpose of reason, on which man prided himsel£
Woman was smaller and weaker, between her and man there was a difference
she could not overcome, a difference set by nature, the most shaming,
degrading agency possible within the male society. When domination
of nature is the true goal, biological inferiority remains the ultimate stigma,
the weakness imprinted by nature, the mark which invites violence.
The church, whi h in the course of history has hardly missed an opportunity
to take a leading voice in popular institutions, whether they be slavery,
crusades, or simply pogroms, sided with Plato, despite the Ave Maria,
in the assessment of woman. The image of the Mother of Sorrows was a
concession to matriarchal residues. Yet the church used the very image
which was supposed to redeem woman from her inferiority to sanction it.
"The influence of Divine Law in a Christian land," proclaimed de
Maistre, that law's legitimate son, "need only be extinguished or weakened
ro a certain degree by tolerating the freedom of women which has arisen
from it, and freedom, though noble and moving in itself, will degenerate
soon enough into shamelessness. Women would become the fatal instruments
of a general declirie, which would swiftly undermine the · vital
organs of the state. Engulfed by corruption, the state would spread shame
and terror in its fiery ruin."21 The witch trials used by the allied feudal
rackt·ts 10 terrorize the populace when they found tl l·msdves tluealened
Notes and Sketches 207
were at the same time a celebration and confirmation of the victory of
male domination over primeval matriarchal and mimetic stages of development.
The autos-da-ft were the Church's pagan bonfires, a triumph of
nature in the form of self-preserving reason, to the glory of reason's domination
over nature.
The bourgeoisie reaped the benefit of feminine virtue and modesty
as reaction formations of the matriarchal rebeUion. Woman gained admission
to the world of mastery on behalf of the whole of exploited nature,
but in a broken form. Subjugated, she mirrors her conqueror's victory in
her spontaneous submission, reflecting defeat back to him as devotion,
despair as the beautiful soul, the violated heart as the loving breast. At the
price of radical exclusion from praxis and withdrawal into a charmed circle,
nature receives homage from the lord of creation. Art, morality, and
sublime love are masks of nature, in which nature reappears transformed
and becomes expressive as its own antithesis. Through its masks it acquires
the gift of speech; in its distortion it manifests its essence; beauty is
the serpent which displays the wound where once the fang was implanted.
Yet behind man's admiration for beauty lurks always the ringing laughter,
the boundless scorn, the barbaric obscenity vented by potency on impotence,
with which it numbs the secret fear that it is itself enslaved to impotence,
to death, to nature. When the deformed jesters whose capers and
foolscaps once enacted the mournful gaiety of broken nature had escaped
the service of kings, the planned cultivation of beauty was entrusted to
women. Modern puritanical woman zealously took up the task, identifying
herself fully with the fait accompli, with nature not in its wildness but
in its domestication. What was left of the fans, songs, and dances of
Roman slave girls was definitively reduced in Birmingham to piano playing
and ocher handicrafts, until the last residues of female wantonness had
been entirely sublimated as emblems of patriarchal civilization. Under the
pressure of universal* advertising, powder and lipstick, rejecting their origin
among courtesans, became skin care, the bathing suit an attribute of
hygiene. Nothing can escape. Even love, through the mere fact that it
takes place within the completely organized system of domination,* has
the system's trademark imprinted on it. In Germany those entrapped by
t he existing order now demonstrate their obedience to it by promiscuity,
as earlier by modesty, affirming by indiscriminate performance of the sexual
act their rigid subord ination to the dominant reason.*
_luning into t he prl·scnr' like a fossil of the bourgeois esteem for
208 Notes and Sketches
woman is the termagant, the shrew. For measureless ages her nagging has
avenged, within her own house, the wretchedness which has befallen her
sex. Outside it, too, in the absence of the genuflection she fails to receive,
the malevolent crone barks at the absent-minded man who fails to rise ro
his feet in her presence, knocking off his hat. That the head itself must
roll, come what may, she has always demanded in politics, whether in rem-
. iniscence of the maenadic past or through outbidding man and his order
in her impotent rage. The bloodthirstiness of women in pogroms eclipses
that of men. The oppressed woman as Fury has outlived her time, continuing
to display the grimace of mutilated nature in an age when domination
is molding the well-trained bodies of both sexes, in whose uniformity
the grimace has been effaced. Against the background of such mass production,
the scolding of the shrew, who at least retained her own distinguishing
face, becomes a sign of humanity, her ugliness a trace of spirit. If
in past centuries the young girl wore her subjection in her melancholy features
and her devoted love, an alienated image of narure, an aesthetic cultural
object, at least the harridan of today has finally discovered a new
female profession. As a social hyena she actively pursues culrural goals.
Her ambition runs after honors and publicity, but her understanding of
male culture is not yet sufficiently sharpened ro prevent her, amid the
injuries done her, from committingfoux pas and showing that she is not
yet at home in the civilization of men. Isolated, she seeks refuge in conglomerates
of science and magic, misbegotten offspring of the idealistic
privy councilor <J.nd the Nordic clairvoyance. She feels herself drawn ro
mischief. The las:
t female opposition to the spirit of male society is degenerating
in a morass of trivial rackets, sects, and hobbies, is turning into the
perverted aggression of social work and theosophical gossip, venting its
petty rancor in good works and Christian Science. In this quagmire, solidarity
with creaturely life expresses itself not so much in the animal protection
league as in neo-Buddhism and the Pekinese, whose distorted visage,
now as in early paintings, reminds us of the physiognomy of the court
jester left behind by progress. Like the hunchback's ungainly leaps, the litde
dog's features still represent mutilated nature, while mass industry and
mass culture have learned to prepare the bodies of breeding bulls and
humans according to scien'rific methods. The standardized masses are now
so little aware of their own transformation, in which they have desperately
collaborated, that they no longer require its symbolic display. Among
.
Notes and Sketches 209
the lesser news items on the second and third pages of newspapers, the
front pages of which are filled with the horrifying exploits of human
beings, circus fires and the poisoning of large animals are sometimes
reported. We are reminded of animals when their last specimens, of the
same species as the medieval fool, perish in endless torment, a capital loss
to their owner who was unable to provide the loyal creatures with .fire protection
in an age of concrete buildings. The tall giraffe and the wise elephant
are oddities which can no longer provide amusement for wised-up
schoolboys. In Africa, the last part of the earth which has vainly sought to
protect their poor herds from civilization, they form traffic obstacles to
bombers landing in the latest war. They are being eradicated entirely. On
an earth made reasonable there is no longer a need for the aesthetic reflection.
The demons are driven out by directly imprinting humans. Domination
no longer needs numinous images; it produces them industrially,
the more reliably to insinuate itself into human beings.
The distortion which is inherent in every work of art, as mutilation
is inherent in the luster of feminine beauty, the maiming which puts on
show the wound in which subjugated nature recognizes itself-that
maiming is again being done by fascism, but no longer as mere appearance.
It is inflicted directly on the damned. In this society there is no
longer any sphere in which domination can profess its contradictions, as it
does in art; there is no longer any means of duplication by which the distortion
might be expressed. But in earlier times such expression was called
nor only beauty but thought, intellect, language itself. Today language calculates,
designates, betrays, initiates death; ir does not express. The culture
industry"' has, like science, irs own precise, external means of measurement
by which to judge itself: facts. Film stars are experts, their performances
are records of natural behavior, classifying modes of reaction;
the directors and scriptwriters produce models of adapted behavior. The
precision work of the culture industry* precludes distortion as a mere
fault, an accident, something defectively subjective and natural. The deviation
is analyzed to discover the practical cause which would link it back
to rationality. Only then is it forgiven. Along with the reflection of power
by nature, rhe tragic, like the comic, has disappeared; the rulers become
serious in proportion to the resistance to be overcome, and humorous in
proportion to the despair they perceive. Intellectual enjoyment used to be
Lon fined w the presentation of suffering, bur they play with horror itself.
210 Notes and Sketches
Sublime love attached itself to strength appearing through weakness, in
woman's beauty, but they attach themselves directly to power: the idol of
today's society is the masculine face which exhibits a certain rakish lordliness.
The woman is used for work, childbearing; or, if presentable, she
enhances the status of her mate. No longer does she sweep the man away
in rapture. Adoration reverts to self-love. The world and its purposes
demand the whole of man. None can give away any part of himself; he
must keep it all within. But, in the eyes of praxis, nature is all that is without
and underneath, an object-as the girl, in vulgar parlance, has always
been for the soldier. Feeling confines itself to power in relation to power.
As woman did earlier, man now lays down his arms before man, but with
dark, unswerving coldness. He becomes a woman, with eyes only for power.
In the fascist collective,* with its teams and work camps, everyone from
tender youth is a prisoner in solitary confinement, which breeds homosexuality.
Even the beast must wear the lordly features. The distinctive
human face, which humiliatingly recalls our origin in nature and our
enslavement to it, irresistibly invites expert homicide. The caricature of
the Jew has always relied on this, and even Goethe's aversion to apes
marked om the limits ofhis humanity. When captains of industry and fascist
leaders have animals around them, they are not domestic poodles but
Great Danes and lion cubs. They are there to add spice to power through
the terror they inspire. So blind is the murderous fascist colossus in face of
nature that he conceives of animals only as means of humiliating humans.
Nietzsche's unj4st accusation of Schopenhauer and Voltaire, that they
"knew how to disguise [their] hatred of certain men and things as pity
toward animals,"22 applies truly to the fascist butcher. The precondition of
the fascists' pious love of animals, nature, and children is the lust of the
hunter. The idle stroking of children's hair and animal pelts signifies: this
hand can destroy. It tenderly fondles one victim before felling the other,
and its choice has nothing to do with the victim's guilt. The caress intimates
that all are the same before power, that they have no being in themselves.
For domination's bloody purposes the creature is only material.
Thus the f<"ilhrer flaunts his concern for innocents, who are plucked out
without merit as others art;: killed without desert. Nature is filth. Only the
devious strength which survives is in the right. But that strength itself is
only nature; the whole ingenious machinery of modern industrial society
1s no more than narurc dismembering itself There is no longer any
Notes and Sketches 211
medium through which this contradiction can find expression. It unfolds
with the glum obstinacy of a world from which art, thought, and negativity
have vanished. Human beings are so radically estranged from themselves
and &om nature that they know only how to use and harm each
other. Each is merely a factor, the subject or object of some praxis, something
to be reckoned with or discounted.
In this world liberated from appearance-in which human beings,
having forfeited reflection, have become once more the cleverest animals,
which subjugate the rest of the universe when they happen not to be tearing
themselves apart-to show concern for animals is considered no
longer merely senrimental bur a betrayal of progress. In the best reactionary
tradition Goring linked animal protection to racial hatred, the
Lutheran-Germanic joys of the happy murderer with the genteel fair play
of the aristocratic hunter. The fronts are clearly drawn; anyone who opposes
Hearst* and Goring is on the side of Pavlov and vivisection; anyone
who hesitates between the two is fair game for both. Such a person is told
to follow reason. The choice is obligatory and inescapable. Anyone who
wants to change the world should at all costs avoid finishing up in the
morass of petty rackets, where political sectarians, utopians, and anarchists
go to ruin along with the spiritualists. I ntellectuals whose thought is unattached
to any acrive historical power, and orientates itself by neither of the
poles toward which industrial society is heading, lose their substance; their
thought becomes baseless.* The real is the rational. Anyone who does not
join in, the progressives also tell them, is of no help to anyone. Everything
depends on society, and thought, no matter how precise, must align itself
with the powerful social tendencies, without which it becomes mere
whimsy. This consensus unites all the righteous realists, who declare their
allegiance to human society as to a mass racket within nature. The thought
which does not pursue the aims of any of their departments incurs their
boundless wrath. It reminds them that something which exists only to be
smashed still has a voice: nature, with which the lies of the nationalist folklore-lovers
are full to overflowing. When its sound interrupts, even for a
moment, their chanting chorus, the dread they seek to drown with their
voices, and which lives on in their rationalized, broken hearts as in every
animal, makes itself heard. The tendencies brought into daylight by the
expression of such thoughts are omnipresent and blind. Nature in itself is
neither good, as was believed by the old Romanticism, nor noble, as is
212 Notes and Sketches
asserted by the new. As a model and goal it signifies anti-intellecrualism,
lies, bestiality; only when apprehended as knowledge does it become the
urge of the living toward peace, the consciousness which, from the beginning,
has inspired the unerring resistance to Fuhrer and collective. What
threatens the prevailing praxis and its inescapable alternatives is not
nature, with which that praxis coincides, but the remembrance of nature.
P RO PAGANDA
Propaganda directed at changing the world-what an absurdity!
Propaganda turns language into an instrument, a lever, a machine.
Propaganda fixes the composition which human beings have taken on
under social injustice, by stirring them. It counts on their ability to be
counted on. All people know in their innermost awareness that through
chis medium they are turned into media, as in a factory. The rage they feel
in following it is the old rage against the yoke, reinforced by the dim
knowledge that the way out pointed by propaganda is the wrong one.
Propaganda manipulates human beings; when it screams freedom it contradicts
itself. Mendacity is inseparable from it. It is the community of lies
in which the leader and the led come together, even when its content as
such is correct. In it even truth becomes a mere means, to the end of gaining
adherents; it falsifies truth simply by taking it into its mouth. That is
why true resistance is without propaganda. Propaganda is antihuman. It
presupposes that the principle that politics should spring from communal
insight is no mo e than a form of words.
In a society which prudently sets limits to the threatening abundance,
what is recommended to everyone by others deserves mistrust. The
warning against commercial advertisements, that no company gives anything
away, is applicable everywhere, and, after the merger of business and
politics, especially to the latter. The degree of eulogy increases with the
decrease in quality: the Volkswagen, unlike the Rolls-Royce, depends on
advertising. The interests of industry and consumers do not harmonize
even when the former seriously has something to offer. Even propaganda
for freedom can be a source of confusion in that it necessarily effaces the
difference between theory and the particular interests of irs addressees.
The workers' leaders murdered in Germany were cheated even of the rrurh
of their own action, since fascism belied their solida ity by the selectivity
Notes and Sketches 213
of irs revenge. When intellectuals are tortured to death in concentration
camps, that does nor necessarily make the workers outside worse off.
Fascism was not the same for Ossierzky and for the proletariat. Propaganda
cheated both.
What is suspect is not, of course, the depiction of reality as hell but
the routine invitation to break our of it. If that invitation can be addressed
to anyone today, it is neither to the so-called masses nor to the individual,
who is powerless, but rather to an imaginary witness, to whom we bequeath
it so that it is not entirely lost with us.
IN THE GENESIS OF S T UPIDITY
The emblem of intelligence is the feeler of the snail, the creature
"with the fumbling face," with which, if we can believe Mephistopheles,23
it also smells. Meeting an obstacle, the feeler is immediately withdrawn
into the protection of the body, it becomes one with the whole until it
timidly ventures forth again as an autonomous agent. If the danger is still
present, it disappears once more, and the intervals between the attempts
grow longer. Mental life in its earliest stages is infinitely delicate. The
snail's sense is dependent on a muscle, and muscles grow slack if their
scope for movement is impaired. The body is crippled by physical injury,
the mind by fear. In their origin both effects are inseparable.
The higher animals have themselves to thank for their greater freedom;
their existence is evidence that feelers were once stretched out in new
directions and not repulsed. Each of their species is a monumant to countless
others whose attempts to develop were blocked at the outset, which
gave way to fright if only a single feeler stirred in the path of their evolution.
The suppression of possibilities by the direct resistance of surrounding
nature is extended inwardly by the wasting of organs through fright.
Each time an animal looks out with curiosity a new form of the living
dawns, a form which might emerge from the clearly formed species to
which the individual creature belongs. But it is not only this specific form
which holds it back in the security of the old state; the force which irs look
encounters is the resistance, millions of years old, which has imprisoned it
at irs present stage from the first, and which, constantly renewed, inhibits
every step which goes beyond that stage. That first, tentative look is always
easily repulsed; behind it stand goodwill, fragile hope, bur no continuous
214 Notes and Sketches
energy. In the direction from which it has been definitely scared off the
animal becomes shy and stupid.
Stupidity is a scar. It can relate to one faculty among many or to
them all, practical and mental. Every partial stupidity in a human being
marks a spot where the awakening play of muscles has been inhibited
instead of fostered. With the inhibition, the vain repetition of unorganized,
awkward attempts originally began. The child's endless questions
are already a sign of a secret pain, a serious question to which it has found
no answer and which it cannot frame in its proper form.24 The repetition
half resembles playful determination, as when a dog endlessly leaps against
a door it has not learned how to open, finally giving up if the handle is too
high, and half corresponds to hopeless compulsion, as when a lion paces
endlessly up and down in its cage or a neurotic repeats the defense reaction
which has already proved futile. If the child has wearied of its repetitions,
or if the thwarting has been too brutal, its attention can turn in
another direction; the child is richer in experience, as one says, but at the
point where its impulse has been blocked a scar can easily be left behind,
a slight callous where the surface is numb. Such scars lead to deformations.
They can produce "characters," hard and capable; they can produce stupidity,
in the form of deficiency symptoms, blindness, or impotence, if
they merely stagnate, or in the form of malice, spite, and fanaticism, if
they turn cancerous within. Goodwill is turned to ill will by the violence
it suffers. And not only the forbidden question bur the suppressed imitation,
the forbidd n weeping or the forbidden reckless game, can give rise
to such scars. Like the genera within the series of fauna, the intellecrual
gradations within the human species, indeed, the blind spots within the
same individual, mark the points where hope has come to a halt and in
their ossification bear witness to what holds all living things in thrall.
Reference Matter

Editor's Afterword
The Position of'1Jialectic of Enlightenment"
in the Development of Critical Theory
Horkheimer's and Adorno's Dialectic of Enlightenment is undoubtedly
the most influential publication of the Critical Theory of the
Frankfurt School, and one of its most compressed theoretical statements.
The book was written during the Second World War, between 1939 and
1944, and first published in 1944 in a limited edition, as a hectographic
typescript of the Institute for Social Research, on the occasion of Friedrich
Pollock's fiftieth birthday. It was published as a printed edition by Querida
of Amsterdam, the most imponant publisher of German writers in exile,
in 1947·
"What we had set out to do," the authors wrote in the Preface, "was
nothing less than to explain why humanity, instead of entering a truly
human state, is sinking into a new kind ofbarbarism."1 Yet the work goes
far beyond a mere critique of contemporary events. Historically remote
developments, indeed, the binh of Western history and of subjectivity
itself from the struggle against natural forces, as represented in myths, are
connected in a wide arch to the most threatening experiences of the present.
It is true that the book scarcely forms a unity in the formal sense. It
consists of five highly unconnected chapters, together with a number of
shorter notes, the subjects of which at first sight appear somewhat heterogeneous.
The various analyses relate to phenomena such as the way in
which science has become detached from practical life, formalized morality,
an enterrainment culture which has reverted to manipulation, and a
218 Editor's Afterword
paranoid behavioral structure, as expressed in aggressive anti-Semitism,
which marks the limits of enlightenment. The common elemenr which
the authors perceive in these phenomena is the tendency toward the selfdestruction
of enlightenment's own guiding criteria which had been inherent
in enlightenment thought from the beginning. The historical analyses
are intended to elucidate the present. For this reason, the two historical
chapters, concerned with decisive thresholds of enlightenment in Homeric
Greece and in Central Europe in the eighteenth century, are relegated
to the status of "excurses," although they are indispensable to the argument
of the book as a whole. In this way, against the background of a prehistory
of subjectivity, the authors show why the National Socialist terror
was not an aberration of modern history but was rooted deeply in the fundamental
characteristics of Western civilization.
The self-destruction of Western reason is seen to be grounded in an
historical and fateful dialectic of the domination of external nature, internal
nature, and society. Enlightenment, which split these spheres apart, is
traced back to its mythical roots. Enlightenment and myth are not seen,
therefore, as irreconcilable opposites but as dialectically mediated qualities
of both real and intellectual life. "Myth is already enlightenment, and:
enlightenment reverts to mythology. "2 This paradox is the fundamental
thesis of the book. Reason appears as inextricably entangled with domination.
Since the beginnings of history, liberation from the compulsions of
external nature has been achieved only by introducing a power relationship
of second degree. Both the repression of the internal nature of human
drives, and social domination, are already at work in myth. Finally, fascism
and the modern culture industry are the forms taken by a return of
repressed nature. In the service of an advancing rationalization of instrumental
thought modeled on the domination of nature and serving its purposes,
enlightened reason is progressively hollowed out until it reverts to
the new mythology of a resurrected relationship to nature, to violence.
This theme is summed up in the opening sentences of the book: "Enlightenment,
understood in the widest sense as the advance of thought, has
always aimed at liberating human beings from fear and installing them as
masters. Yet the wholly enlightened earth is radiant with triumphant
calamity. "·'
The book rook a considerable time to reach a wide audience, not
least b :_causc of the pecul iarly dense, allusive, and dc!llanding nature of
Editor's Afterword 219
the text. But it has now become one of the most intensively read and widely
discussed writings of Critical Theory. This is not the place to offer yet
another critical or systematic discussion of the theoretical problems it raises.
Instead, three questions relating to editorial matters, which can in part
be clarified by reference to materials in the posthumous papers, will be
examined in detail here. First: What were the specific individual contributions
of the authors to the text they jointly composed? Second: Which
especially important theoretical implications and, in particular, internal
revisions to Critical Theory, present bur not fully worked out in the text,
are significant for its interpretation? This will also involve clarifying where
Dialectic of Enlightenment is to be located in the development, in particular,
of Horkheimer's theoretical thinking. However useful it may be to
divide Horkheimer's development into "historical" ·periods, such an approach
risks hypostatizing those periods. An overprecise diagnosis of discominuities
in the author's thought obstructs perception of the transitions
within it, and therefore of the preconditions of those discontinuities. This
account should therefore be seen as a counterweight to an often overschematic
reception ofHorkheimer's thought, its identity, and its changes.
The discussion will therefore take accoum of a number of shorter pieces
written in the 1940s which are thematically related to Dialectic of
Enlightenment. Third, and last, there is the question of how the textual
variations between the printed edition of 1947 and hectographic edition of
1944 are to be evaluated. The reasons for the prolonged resistance of the
authors, especially Horkheimer, to a reedition of the book will also be considered-reasons
bound up with their own later evaluation of their work.
I. Authorship and the "Tension Between
Two Intellectual Temperaments"
The authors of Dialectic of Enlightenment repeatedly stressed their
joint responsibility for the entire work. In the Preface to the new edition
of 1969 they write: "No one who was not involved in the writing could
easily understand to what extent we both feel responsible for every sentence.
We dictated long stretches together; the Dialectic derives its vital
energy from the tension between the two intellectual temperaments which
came together in writing it.''4 That the authors did not make this assertion
for reasons of academic pol itics or because of other strategic and external
220 Editor's Afterword
considerations is demonstrated by the following letter from Adorno to
Horkheimer of 2 June 1949: "Dear Max, I am enclosing copies of two critical
comments sent to me by their author, Karl Thieme of Basel. I immediately
corrected the nonsensical contention that I am the author of
'Elements of Anti-Semitism.' People seem unable to resist the temptation
to keep us apan, although I wrote to Thieme in February that Dialectic of
Enlightenment is 'the joint work of Horkheimer and myself, to the extent
that every sentence belongs to us both.' Warm regards, Teddie. "5
The collaboration between the two was not confined to this book.
Records from the years 1931/32 and 1938 to 1946 bear witness to intensive
theoretical discussions.6 Numerous essays and memoranda &om that period,
and from the 1950s, and even as late as the 1960s, bear traces of their
joint work, as is clear from handwritten corrections to the typescripts.
When the two writers decided to return to Frankfurt after the end of the
war and thought about publishing again in German journals, it is dear
that they planned for a time to combine their works once and for all visa-vis
the public. The correspondence between the two demonstrates that
1 he initiative came primarily from Adorno. In 1949 he drafted the following
declaration-which, however, remained unpublished: "As our entire
scholarly work, both theoretical and empirical, has for years been so fused
together that our contributions cannot be separated, it seems timely for us
to declare publicly that all our philosophical, sociological, and psychological
publications should be regarded as composed by us jointly and that we
share responsibility for them. This also applies to work signed by us individual
ly."7
Indisputable as it is that Horkheimer and Adorno successfully engaged
over long periods in a collaboration of which Dialectic of Enlightt'mnt•IJI
is only the best-known and historically most influential product, it
is extremely doubtful whether both theories really form a seamless unity,
as asserted in this declaration. Viewed &om a temporal distance, the declaration
throws less light on the actual relationship between the two
authors than on their ideal, which they had approached so closely through
joinr work during the 1940s that the differences could largely be overlooked.
With characteristic exuberance, Adorno proclaimed the complete
idenriry between their views at the start of a new phase of collaboration at
dtl' lnst itu t fur Sozialforschung, reestablished in Frankfurt, as if he wantl'd
to make permanent that period of joint writing, securins it against all
nntntl·rvailtng tendencies.
Editor's Afterword 221
With the work on Dialectic of Enlightenment the thought of the two
authors drew together more closely than before or immediately afterward.
All the same, the book had very different functions in the individual
developments of the two authors. Reference to the manuscripts for
Dialectic of Enlightenment preserved in the posthumous papers of the
authors, and to recorded comments on the question of the book's authorship,
provides a basis for answering the more far-reaching question concerning
theoretical agreements, differences, and developments. Regardless
of that, however, the fact remains that the authorship of the book, which
cannot necessarily be reduced to the act of writing the text, must ultimately
be attributed to both together. Any motives of playing one author
off against the other, that may have been involved in similar exercises during
their lifetimes, automatically cease to apply from the present historical
distance.
In determining the respective contributions of the two authors to
their communal text, two kinds of sources are available: the preliminary
drafts contained in the posthumous papers (A) and comments transmitted
verbally (B).
(A) Posthumous papers
(1) "Preface": This is present among Horkheimer's posthumous
papers in a number of typed sections which bear numerous handwritten
corrections and additions by Horkheimer and a few corrections by
Adorno.8 No draft is to be found in Adorno's posthumous papers.9
(2) "The Concept of Enlightenment": In the 1944 version the chap- '
ter has the title "Dialectic of Enlightenment," and in the typescripts it is
titled "Myth and Enlightenment." Handwritten notes and text passages
relating to this chapter by Horkheimer and, in smaller quantities, by
Adorno, are preserved in Horkheimer's posthumous papers; fragments of
typewritten versions with handwritten corrections by both authors are present
in similar proportions.10 Adorno's posthumous papers contain nothing
relating to this chapter.
(3) "Excursus I: Odysseus or Myth and Enlightenment": Horkheimer's
posthumous papers have no material on this chapter, while
Adorno's contain a typescript with numerous handwritten corrections and
additions.
(4) "Excursus II: Julierre or Enlightenment and Morality": the typescript
is in Horkhcimcr's poslllllmous papers and has the tide "Enlighten-
222 Editor's Afterword
ment and Rigorism."'' Adorno's posthumous papers contain nothing on
this chapter.
(5) "The Culture Industry: Enlightenment as Mass Deception":
Horkheimer's posthumous papers contain two versions of this chapter
with the title "The Schema of Mass Culrure."12 The earlier of the two versions
is marked "Second Draft," is dated "October 1942," and bears the
name Max Horkheimer (on the cover page of the notebook) and the initials
M.H. in his own handwriting (on the title page). This typescript has
eighty-nine pages, the first forty-five having numerous handwritten corrections
and additions by Horkheimer. Only the part of the chapter
revised up to that point was included in the editions of 1944 and 1947.
This version corresponds to the second typescript of the chapter in
Horkheimer's posthumous papers. In the printed version it closes with the
note "To be continued," which was, however, omitted from the new edition
of 1969. The surviving drafts for this chapter show in exemplary form
the problems which aris when trying to draw conclusions about authorship
from the form of the material. They also give us deeper insight into
the way the two authors worked. To anticipate the result: despite indications
pointing to Horkheimer, Adorno is probably the author of the first
version (not extant) of the chapter. His posthumous papers also include
the typescript known as the "Second Draft"; it is in triplicate, one copy
being uncorrected, another showing a few handwritten corrections by
Adorno-it has the handwritten initials T.W.A. on the title page-and
the third having numerous handwritten corrections and additions by
Adorno on the first forty-five pages. Some of these notes agree word for
word with those of Horkheimer, while others diverge from them. Judging
from the materials, therefore, the contributions of the two authors to the
secondary revision were about equal. Only recorded verbal comments can
throw light on the authorship of the first draft, and they refer to Adorno
as the author. If the form of the materials is taken as the basis, the course
of work on this chapter could be reconstructed as follows: after Adorno,
on the basis of discussions and notes no longer accessible, had produced a
"Second Draft" and hurriedly corrected it, the two authors discussed the
typescript sentence by sentef).ce, at the same time inserting the corrections
on which they agreed. Independently of each other-beforehand or afterwa
rd-each of them made handwritten revisions to the typescript. This
process of revision came to an end at page 45 of the cypescript, for con-
Editor's Afterword 223
tingent reasons. The printed version was produced as a compilation of the
two revised versions of the first part. According to this interpretation, the
abbreviations M.H. and T.W.A. clearly do nor refer to the author but to
the "owner" of the typescript at the time, the reviser. The insertion of
"Max Horkheimer" as the author's name on the cover sheet was not made
by Horkheirner himself and appears to be a later, mistaken addition by a
secretary. This reconstruction is the decisive reason why the Editor decided
not to include the second, unrevised part of the chapter in Horkheimer's
posthumous writings. 13
(6) "Elements of Anti-Semitism. Limits of Enlightenment": No
typescript of this chapter ready for publication is to be found in Horkheimer's
posthumous papers, which do, however, contain numerous typewritten
fragments, mostly with handwritten corrections and additions by
Horkheimer, together with text passages handwritten by Horkheimer. 14
One of these handwritten texts follows directly after three pages written
by Gretel Adorno (probably under dictation) . This bundle also includes a
few handwritten notes by Adorno and a six-page typescript by Adorno
with rhe title "Draft." It also contains reports of discussions between the
two authors on anti-Semitism.15 Thesis VII of this chapter, not added
until the primed version of 1947, is also to be found in several versions as
a rypescript with handwritten corrections and additions by Horkheimer. 16
Attached to this is a three-page typescript by Adorno, "Remarks on Thesis
VII," with the date "Sept. 4/ 46" handwritten by him.17 Adorno's posthumous
papers contain no further materials for this chapter.
(7) "Notes and Sketches": These are to be found in Horkheimer's
posthumous papers, each one usually in several typescript versions, with
handwritten corrections by Horkheimer. 18 The parts added as "Postscripts"
to some of the notes are missing. The aphorisms are collected in several
bundles. Of the rypescripts present here only about half were included in
rhe printed version of Dialectic of Enlightenment. The notes not included
in ir19 are brought together in two bundles, one of which is marked with
the abbreviations M.H. and Dr. H. The other, the contents of which coincide
largely with those of the first, is bound as a typescript and bears the
ririe "Notes As an Addition to the Festschrift for Friedrich Pollock" and is
preceded by the remark: "The notes have not been revised. They were
excluded from the Notes and Sketches of the Festschrift as being roo provi ional
."211 The " Notes and Skerches" are the oldest parts of Dialectic of
224 Editor's Afterword
Enlightenment. Those which are dated were written in 1939, 1940, and
1942. Adorno's posthumous papers contain no manuscripts or typescripts
relating to them.
(B) Oral comments
(1) "The authorship of the individual chapters," writes Jiirgen
Habermas, "is by no means indivisible. Gretel Adorno once confirmed my
conjecture, which, in any case, is obvious to a careful reader, that the title
essay and the Sade chapter were written predominantly by Horkheimer,
while the chapters on Odysseus and the culture industry can be attributed
primarily to Adorno. This conclusion is based not only on stylistic diff erences."21

(2) More precise and comprehensive is a report by RolfTiedemann,22
based on a verbal communication by Adorno. It is consistent with the evidence
from the materials of the posthumous papers. According to this
remark the two authors dictated the chapter on the "Concept of Enlightenment"
jointly. (The materials indicate a certain preponderance of
drafts by Horkheimer.) The first excursus, "Odysseus or Myth and
Enlightenment," according to this report, was written almost exclusively
by Adorno, while the second, "Juliette or Enlightenment and Morality,"
can be attributed to the same degree to Horkheimer. The chapter "The
Cui ture Industry: Enlightenment As Mass Deception" is based on a draft
by Adorno, which, however, was so intensively revised by Horkheimer that
the contributions of both should be regarded as practically equal. The
reverse is the case with the chapter "Elements of Anti-Semitism: Limits of
Enlightenment," which was originally written by Horkheimer and intensively
r vised by Adorno. In addition, the "Preface" of 1944 refers to a considerable
contribution by Leo LOwenthal to the formulation of the first
three theses of this chapter.23 According to this report the "Notes and
Sketches" were written by Horkheimer and contain no interventions by
Adorno. Adorno wrote the "Postscripts," which were not revised by
Horkheimer.
2. Genesis of the Wark: Theoretical Implications
Whereas Dit lectic of Enlightenment fits more or less seamlessly into
Adorno's ot'ttllre, in Horkheimer's case it represents the most pronounced
t·xprtssion of a phase in his i ntellect ual dcvdopment
'
which differs sh;uply
Editor's Afterword 225
from that of the 1930s. Whereas the essays for Zeitschrift were still borne
up by the confidence that it was possible to translate the central ideas of
the philosophical and political Enlightenment into materialist terms and
to realize them practically, Critical Theory now seems to hope for little
more than to preserve the memory of those ideas in the vortex of an overwhelming
process of disintegration. The critique derives its incisiveness
from being directed against a modern concept of reason which rook its
standard from the progress of productive forces and still formed the basis
of the most advanced critique of the relations of production which had
existed up to then. Enlightenment rhus becomes enlightenment on the
origins and consequences of enlightenment. The change in the development
of Horkheimer's Critical Theory first shows itself in the essays "The
Authoritarian Stare" and "The End of Reason"24 and is emphatically present
in Dialectic of Enlightenment.
Since the early 1930s Horkheimer had been developing the idea of a
materialism to be implemented in an interdisciplinary way. The journal he
published, Zeitschrift for Sozia/forschtmg, illustrates how a critical theory of
society guided by philosophy and underpinned historically and psychologically
was to articulate and develop theoretically the practical interest in
rhe abolition of individual suffering and social injustice. According to this
conception, the only political groups which had the strength to bring
about a revolutionary transformation of society were those which were
able to make use of a comprehensive theory which employed the most
advanced scholarly instruments.
The form of this theory, however, and especially its phi
losophical
foundations, were by no means clearly outlined. Toward the end of tl1e
1930s, therefore, Horkheimer planned an extensive work on dialectics in
which he aimed to elaborate further the philosophical content of his articles
published in Zeitschrift fiir Sozialforschung. In a letter of IO November
1938 Adorno wrote to Benjamin regarding Horkheimer: "He is currently
in an extremely overburdened state connected with his move to Scarsdale.
In the next few years he wants to free himself from all his administrative
work in order to devore his undivided energy to the book on the dialect
ic. "2 We know about the plan for this book from a memorandum written
by Horkheimer about the same time on "The Idea, Activities and
l 'rogram of the lnsrirur fi.ir Sozialforschung," which, however, was not
published at that rime. The planned work is mentioned there under the
1 1 1 lc of a "dialccrical logil'" : "This is not a formalistic epistemology but a
226 Editor's Afterword
materialist theory of categories. The scholarly and political discussion of
social problems makes use of categories about which differences of opinion
arise as soon as closer definition is requested. They include concepts
such as causality, tendency, progress, law, necessity, freedom, class, culture,
value, ideology, dialectic, etc. [ ... ] The definition of philosophical concepts
is always at the same time a description of human society in its historically
given embodiment. In this respect the planned book conceives of
logic in a similar way to Hegel in his great work, not as a collection of
abstract modes of thought but as a definition of the most important substantial
categories of progressive consciousness in the present rime. "26
But it was not until spring 1941, when he moved to California, that
the book on dialectics took shape-though not, admittedly, as a "theory
of categories." Nevertheless, even now Horkheimer connected his undertaking
with the aim of producing a major philosophical work. In a letter
to Pollock of 27 November 1942 he wrote about his efforts, his moments
of success, his ambitions and his awareness of the limits of his work: "It is
true, the subjects which I am dealing with are the most difficult ones that
exist, but the pains you suffer by working on them are at the same time
the greatest experience you can have in life. [ . .. ] There is no doubt that
the studies, which I am undertaking now and which are really the fulfillment
of what we have dreamt to be our raison detre when we were very
young, cannot be achieved in one or two years. [ . .. ] If Husser! needed ten
years to write his Logical lnvestigatiom and another thirteen years to publish
his Introduction to Pure Phenomenology, nor to speak of more famous
wq ks on philosophy and related subjects, and if you rake my poor forces,
education, and routine into consideration, you will appreciate what I am
in for. What I definitely know, however, and what makes me happy, is that
I am really doing what I can. Ultra posse nemini obligatio. We are really on
our way."27
Even after his move &om New York to California in spring 1941,
Horkheimer was unable to withdraw to the extent he wished from the
administrative tasks mentioned by Adorno. His original plan for a materialist
reformulation of Hegel's LogiC\vas changed, suspended, or abandoned
in favor of other considerations. However, far more responsible for his
decision was the circumstance that Horkheimer's intellecrual position and
self-reflection were being accompanied by a number of significant poliriql
:md rhcorerical experiences and by outward ans;l inward changes in his
taitor's Ajierword 227
life. These changes concerned not merely the planned book but-notwithstanding
the continuity of his philosophical intention-Horkheimer's
thinking as a whole.
If one looks exclusively at the difference between "Traditional and
Critical Theory" and Dialectic of Enlightenment, one risks misinterpreting
these changes as an abrupt break. A closer examination of his less wellknown
publications, of the records of the history of the Institute for Social
Research which have now been collected, and of writings from Horkheimer's
posthumous papers from that rime reveals a number of intermediate
steps and mediating links which make the transformation comprehensible.

In Horkheimer's view the twofold linkage of a philosophically orientated,
critical theory of society with traditional research, on the one
hand, and with political action, on the other, became weaker and weaker
during the 1930s. Adorno had originally tried to draw a sharp dividing line
between research in individual disciplines and philosophical interpretarion.28
Now, from the perspective of a sketch of a dialectical logic, or of a
dialectic of enlightenment and myth from the point of view of the philosophy
of history, this division cast crucial doubt on the philosophical
self-consistency of the categories within individual disciplines.29 Critical
Theory could no longer draw on individual disciplines in the same way as
previously. Finally, in the Preface to Dialectic of Enlightenment, the authors
write on this point: "In the present collapse of bourgeois civilization not
only the operations but the purpose of science have become dubious."30
The status of Critical Theory as an immanent critique of traditional theory
is thus also called increasingly into question.
The full scope of the particular considerations and doubts relating to
the purpose of science becomes clear only from the posthumous papers
and letters of the two authors. Important examples of these doubts are
Horkheimer's public reflections on the philosophy of language from 1939
onward, which are now published in Vol. 12 of his Gesammelte Schriften.
They continue from earlier critical discussions of the ideological aspect of
language, especially with regard to the conception of language of Logical
Positivism, to be found in a number of essays from the 1930s. Horkheimer
now radicalizes this earlier standpoint, making it into an aporetic critique
of the concept itsel f. The critique remains aporetic because, by interpreti
ng language as rhc preponderant relationship of the subject to the object,

228 Editor's Afterword
it renders obsolete its own standard of a language which is not instrumentally
stunted. Language, Horkheimer writes in one of these notes
from 1946, contains, inextricably mixed, both the power to suppress rhe
particular and the strength to liberate it from that suppression, to reconcile
the particular with the universal. Both the negative and the positive
sides of this critique appear in Dialectic of Enlightenment, but without
mediation. The thesis of the universality of blindness implies the complementary
thesis that the spell could be lifted at a stroke from humans and
things if only the redeeming word were spoken. The critique of a reason
which reverts to myth requires as its background not only an historical
philosophy of reconciliation but also a utopia of true language. In the
notes from the 1940s in his posthumous papers, Horkheimer even seems
to be aiming at a sublation of the philosophy of history in a critical philosophy
of language.31
In Critical Theory, reflections of this kind on the concept of language
and on the concept itself never have the self-satisfied character of solutions
to the special problems of individual disciplines or of specialist philosophy.
Rather, they are persistently seen by Horkheimer and Adorno in their relationship
to social theory, and indeed to historical-political experience. The
positivist conception of language, in the view of the two authors, concerned
merely the real function of language within monopolistic society, a
function which it misinterpreted. Not least because language threatened to
forfeit its capacity conceptually to transcend the existing order, the unity
of theory and political praxis-no maner how mediated-appeared to
them to be irremediably shanered by the beginning of the 1940s. The hope
for-a radical transformation of conditions, indeed, any confidence in the
possibility of historical progress at all, seemed to be without substance. The
failure of a proletarian revolution to occur in the developed capitalist societies,
the subjugation of workers' organizations to a consolidated and
expanding fascism, the manipulative power of monopolistic mass society
in the West and of state socialism on the Stalinist model in the East-all
these political experiences lent impetus to the transition from the Critical
Theory of the 1930s to the critique of instrumental reason during the
1940s, a critique whiq became at the same time theoretically more radical
and practically more conservative. In addition, there were internal changes
at the Institute which went hand in hand with the rheoretical rransformations.
Especially significant in this context were, firsr, the break between
.
·
Editor's Afterword 229
Fromm and the other members of the lnstitute-32 and, second, Adorno's
move &om Oxford to New York, which began the phase of particularly
intensive collaboration between him and Horkheimer.
In the early 1930s Fromm had played a leading part in the elaboration
of a concept of analytic social psychology by the Institute. The function
of psychoanalysis in this project was, above all, to identify the psychical
forces opposing rational interests which aimed at social change,
forces which "form, as it were, the cement without which society would
not hold together and which contribute to the production of the great
social ideologies in all cultural spheres. "33 Horkheimer drew on this sketch
for the general conception of Studien iiber Autoritiit und Familie,34 according
to which the authoritarian attitude mediated through family or state
institutions should be understood as the medium by which individuals are
adapted to the structures of social domination. Fromm took further the
critique, contained in these studies, of Freud's conception of himself as a
natural scientist in his later publications concerning a critique of the psychoanalytic
theory of libido. The assumption of a basic sexual drive was to
be replaced by the wider conception of a drive toward social connection.
At the same time Fromm sharpened the criticism he had expressed earlier
of Freud's pessimistic anthropology, which he regarded as a hypostatizarion
of bourgeois-patriarchal family structures. 35
By contrast, Horkheimer's evaluation of psychoanalysis changed in
rhe opposite direction, one might say, during the same period. Against
Fromm, whom he accused of lapsing into a psychology of common sense,
he adhered more emphatically than ever to the Freudian theory of drives.
However, he now interpreted this theory in a different way, as a precise
expression of the disempowerment of the subject, which he saw as bound
up with the decay of liberalism. Against the theoretical categories and the
practical, therapeutic maxims of psychoanalytic ego-psychology he
l·rnphasized the socially critical implications of Freud's biological, physiL
alisr materialism. Freud's pessimism regarding the possibility of subjugating
destructive forces, founded on the theory of drives, appeared to
l lorkheimer all the more convincing the less he himself was able to attach
'uch hopes to the abolition of domination by concrete social movements.
How important such an interpretation of psychoanalysis-orthodox
\'l"t rc: .di ng Freud, so ro speak, against the grain-was for the conception
nl J>i,tfrctic of Enlighrmmmt can he seen from records of talks between
230 Editor's Afterword
Horkheimer and Adorno from 1939, which can be regarded as preliminary
discussions on the work they were planning together.36 It appears that at
times the authors had considered planning their joint work entirely or
partly as a critique of psychoanalysis. This is indicated negatively by a formulation
concerning the revision of such a plan: "Instead of the orientation
to analysis, I propose orienting the book toward currently outlawed
concepts like that of the saboteur. "37 In these discussions psychoanalysis is
seen, on the one hand, as a variety of positivist thinking ultimately tending
toward a false reconciliation between the mutilated individual and the
social agencies to which it owes its suffering. On the other hand, however,
the psychoanalytic concepts spring from an Enlightenment tradition of
asserting truth against illusions and taboos, on which the authors wished
to draw. Critical Theory was to subject the scientific concepts of "bourgeois"
thought to a change of function corresponding to Marx's procedure
with regard to classical political economy. Those concepts contained standards
by which their failure to be realized in existing society was to be
measured. They were to be stripped of their illusory ahisrorical appearance.
In the case of psychoanalysis, this applied, for example, to the concept of
the individual: "The Progressive moment of analysis consists in the contributions
it has made to an understanding of the individual as an arena.
It might be said that the analytic categories, however distorted, are conducive
to the insight that the individual itself is 'a history of class struggles.],
,
38
However, in Dialectic of Enlightenment itself the dispute with psychoanalysis
is carried on much more behind the scenes. It is present in
central ideas of the book even though it may not be visible at first sight.
The psychoanalytic category of the return of the repressed, for example,
itself returns in the dialectic of the domination of nature, in the thesis that:
"the subjugation of everything natural to the sovereign subject culminates
in the domination of what is blindly objective and natural. This tendency
levels out all the antitheses of bourgeois thought, especially that between
moral rigor and absolute amorality."39 The proximity of Horkheimer's and
Adorno's argumentation to psychoanalytic theory and empirical practice is
unmistakable, above all, in the chapters on the culture industry and anriSemitism.
The culture industry is the regression, operating with enlightenment
means in restricted form, from the effort of cultural sublimation.
In anti-Semitism this regression reveals its deadlY. seriousness. It is haseJ
Editor's Afterword 231
on the triumph of the projective manipulation of the world over the differentiations
and inhibitions of rational thought and behavior: "Impulses
which are not acknowledged by the subject and yet are his are attributed
to the object: the prospective victim."40
In their Preface the authors stress the close connection between the
chapter on anti-Semitism and the studies in social psychology of the
Institute for Social Research during the 1940s, which were published in
the five volumes of Studies in Prejudice.41 The chapter "Elements of AntiSemitism"
should therefore be read as the historical, philosophical, and
theoretical background to the empirical studies on prejudice, which in
their turn were an attempt to translate the theory into quantitative investigations.
Moreover, Adorno refers expressly to this connection in an essay
from 1968; "The chapter 'Elements of Anti-Semitism' in Dialectic of
E11lightenment, which Horkheimer and I wrote jointly in the strictest
sense, that is to say, we literally dictated it together, strongly influenced my
contribution to the investigations carried out later with the Berkeley
Public Opinion Study Group. The Authoritarian Personality was the literary
outcome of those investigations. [ ... ] 'Elements of Anti-Semitism'
placed racial prejudice theoretically in the context of an objectively oriented,
critical theory of society. Admittedly, in contrast to a certain economic
orthodoxy, we did not rake an aloof attitude toward psychology but
gave it its due place in our sketch as a moment of enlightenment. Never,
however, did we leave any doubt as to the precedence of objective factors
over psychology. [ ... ] We regarded social psychology as a subjective mediation
of rhe objective social system: without irs mechanism subjects could
not have been kept in their place. "42
Despite Adorno's stress on the connection between empirical work
and the general theory of anti-Semitism, the gulf between the two, measured
by Horkheimer's original program for an interdisciplinary materialism,
cannot be overlooked.43 Unlike earlier attempts to mediate between
philosophical, sociological, and psychological knowledge, Horkheimer
and Adorno contended that the split between these conceptual spheres
corresponded to an actual breach between individual and society and
therefore would be merely short-circuited by a purely conceptual approach.
This had the result, however, that their evaluation of anti-Semitism
was not wholly consistent in both areas. For example, whereas the
empirical investigations into the amhoritarian character limit its destruc-
232 Editor's Afterword
tive potential by conceding the possibility of a nonrepressive education
within existing society, the "Elements" chapter emphatically relates it to
"the nature of the dominant reason and of the world corresponding to its
image."44 An end to prejudice could therefore be expected only from a radical
break with the logic of the civilizing process up to now. In the empirical
studies, therefore, the counterpart to the authoritarian, intolerant, and
prejudice-ridden personality is represented by a subject type which, within
the framework of Dialectic of Enlightenment, appears to be almost inextricably
entangled with the principles of self-preservation, of the domination
of internal and external nature.
In the extracts cited above from the report on the studies of the
1940s, Adorno points to a second strand of theory which, compared to
psychoanalysis, was still more important for Dialectic of Enlightenment:
economics, meaning the critique of Marx and his successors. But however
decisive the link to the critique of political economy may have been, no
less characteristic was its relegation to the level of the merely implicit. This
was done still more thoroughly than in the case of psychoanalysis. Whereas,
in the discussions of 1939 already cited, the authors were still considering
an historical-materialist reformulation of the psychoanalytic concept of
the individual as a "history of class struggles," the explanatory principle
underlying the Marxian concept of history is largely absent from Horkheimer's
and Adorno's historical-philosophical sketch. Its place is taken by
the more general antagonism between domination of nature and enslavement
to it.
The authors attempt to show how reason, having regressed to instrumental
r;nionality, has combined in the present era with the domination
of nature and social control to form a quasimythical compulsion. In the
modern varieties of totalitarianism, only the always-calamitous intertwinement
of reason and power is manifested. The historical phenomenon
of fascism no longer appears, as in the orthodox Marxist view, as the last
political stage of monopoly capitalism but is related in manifold ways to
overarching structures of bourgeois thought and action. National
Socialism, which needed military expansion and terror to achieve internal
stability yet was bound to miss its goal by using these means, is interpreted
as an unstable barbaric interlude on the way to the historically and
generically irrevocable goal of the "administered world."
This does not mean, however, that the Marx an approach compris-
Editor's Afterword 233
ing a dialectic of productive forces and relations of production has been
simply replaced by a general analysis of technological rationality. Rather,
an abundance of links to the Marxist critique of political economy still
remain. To give an example from "Elements of Anti-Semitism" just quoted:
the role of the Jews is interpreted there not least as a socioeconomic
function of the distribution sphere and its loss of power in monopoly capitalism,
and anti-Semitism as a projective obfuscating of the nonequivalent
exchange of equivalents in the sale of labor power. Such an interpretation
is based on the continuing attempts of the lnstitut during the late 1930s to
redefine the concept of monopoly capitalism and, on that basis, the concept
of fascism. A decisive influence on Dialectic of Enlightenment in this
respect was Pollock's thesis that fascism and bureaucratic socialism were
variants of a new order of capitalism which differed fundamentally both
&om earlier private capitalism and &om modern monopoly capitalism,
and which he called "state capitalism."45 In a contribution which follows
this Afterword, Willem van Reijen and Jan Bransen discuss in more detail
this thesis and its importance for the discussions at the Institute for Social
Research.
The pessimism regarding the possibility of socialist politics dominant
in Horkheimer's thought since the early 1940s has its economic foundation
in the theory of state capitalism, its political foundation in the connected
theory of "rackets" as a "basic form of domination. "46 According to
Pollock's thesis there is in state capitalism no structural conflict between
political objectives and economic necessities. In the "command economy"
the productive forces and the laws of the market arc stripped of their
autonomy and thus of their explosive potential. The planned economy has
become inevitable; the only decisive political question is whether it will be
democratic or totalitarian, that is, the question as to how access to the
administrative control of the economy and thus to the new ruling class is
regulated. This provides the starting point for Horkheimer's theory of
rackets, according to which social power, in keeping with its own economic
principle, is transformed from the form mediated by exchange, via
the form conferred on it by economic monopolies, into direct domination
by force. By rackets Horkheimer means the groups, cliques, councils,
boards, or committees formed in the most diverse epochs whose social
function is largely supplanted by the imperative to preserve and increase
their own power. The theory of rackets, which grew out of the discussions
234 Editor's Afterword
on the applicability of Marxian theory to the present form of society, is
first of all an anempt to escape the myth of a revolutionary subject without
falling back into illusory cultural criticism behind the screen of a critique
of political economy. Beyond that, it aims to construct a theory of
power which reveals the historically limited model of the rule ofliberalism
regulated by market laws to be a special case of the monopolization of
advantages on the basis of social performance.
For Horkheimer, the topical application of the racket theory was ro
be found in the transfer of traditional class antagonism to the field of
international relations, on the one hand, and to institutionally determined
antitheses within the classes themselves, on the other. In postliberal capitalism,
according to this theory, new forms of conflict conceal the basic
contradiction between capital and labor. With state capitalism mechanisms
have come into being to mitigate the economic crises which earlier
had the potential to disintegrate the system. In this way the economic
"base" loses its role in supponing the social totality. National Socialism
and bureaucratic socialism or, more generally, a new "integral statism," can
no longer be described only in terms of economic basic categories. Political
analysis takes on greater imponance to the extent that liberalism appears
as an historical episode, after the downfall of which society reverts to direct
methods of domination no longer mediated via the marker. The fundamental
economic factors leading to crisis are tending to become controllable
by measures of state intervention, which can range from compensatory
welfare legislation to overt terror.
This new form of the "primacy of politics" does not leave unrouched
the concept of the political itself, in comparison to its function in general
capitalism. Above all, it should not be confused with the positivist substitution
ofhistorical, political, or psychological laws for economic ones. In
a fragment written by Horkheimer about 1942, he describes politics in
postliberalism as an illusion which aff ects not only the dominated masses
but the political agents themselves: "Politics, the rediscovery of which in
the Renaissance was a theoretical advance, has become, in thinking under
monopoly, even more an ideological category than the laws of the market
under liberalism: wit its aid the surface is hypostatized. The dominated
masses attribute world events to politics. They hear the appeal and the
decree, they are informed about the lives of the powerful, which consist of
facts in no need of theory; the masses experience, the direct consequences
Editor's Afterword 235
of political actions, of negotiations between rackets, they feel the effects of
emergency aid, of rising prices, of the new job, of war, and perceive big
politics as fare and nature just as they earlier perceived the economic
depression. And the protagonists share this belief: They know that they
hold key positions; just as the entrepreneur mistook his business ventures,
calculations and speculations, that he undertook on the basis of the economic
cycle, for freedom, the presidents of unions and governments misconstrue
their decisions as the beginnings of causal chains. Government,
however, must bow to the same necessities as buying and selling: to the
requirements of the reproduction of society within the power relationships
as they are. This is not so different in the two periods. The opacity of the
market which gave rise tO the self-deception about freedom merely expressed
the fact that the relationships of entrepreneurs among themselves
were not rational but were governed by individual self-assertion. Today the
struggles rake place within much stronger groups, amid movements of
highly concentrated masses of capital. The governments are executive
mechanisms which cannot rationally understand the actual state of the
forces on which they depend, but merely feel their concrete effects. "47
The state capitalist "primacy of politics" can be understood as a perversion
of the socialist idea of the planned economy which was supposed
to replace the anarchy of private appropriation by rational decisions in the
generalizable interest of society as a whole. What is expressed in fascism,
in especially brutal form, is merely what characterizes democratic state
capitalism as well as bureaucratic socialism of the Soviet kind: the end of
liberal, legal agencies of mediation under the power politics of competing
ruling cliques. These groups take over the now necessary planning of the
economic process, whether that process is still democratically legitimized
or is already an almost openly planned and organized piracy.
The starting point of the racket theory is therefore an analysis of
contemporary society as a conglomerate of organized groups under the
leadership of bureaucratic or quasi bureaucratic elites. The relationship of
a clique to its clientele is structured on the principle of protection in exchange
for obedience. Since the individual rackets no longer even pretend
to pursue intellectual ideals or objectives relating to society as a whole, the
1radi1ional ideologies, which used to make particularist interests appear
universal, also disappear. They are replaced by the unashamedly pragmatic
objectives of rnanipu l;u ion and the preservation of power. The ability to
236 Editor's Afterword
impose these objectives decides the selection and careers of the leading
personnel within a racket.
Beyond that, this approach aims to produce an historically generalizable
theory of relations of class and domination: "Under the conditions
of monopolism and total domination," Horkheimer writes in 1943, "the
permanence of oppression, its parasitic nature, becomes manifest. Every
ruling class has always been monopolistic to the extent that it excluded the
overwhelming majority of human beings. The structure corresponded to
that of competing rackets. Even the socially useful functions which the
ruling classes used to perform have been transformed into weapons against
the oppressed population and against competing groups within their own
class. The racket pattern, which used to be typical of the behavior of rulers
toward the ruled, is now representative of all human relationships, even
those within the working class. The difference between the racket within
capital and the racket within labor lies in the fact that in the capitalist
racket the whole class profits, whereas the racket of labor functions as a
monopoly only for its leaders and for the worker-aristocracy. The laboring
masses are the objects of both forms; they merely have to pay for the whole
system. The similarity between the most highly respected historical formations,
such as the medieval hierarchies, to the modern rackets is obvious.
The concept of the racket applies to both large and small enterprises;
they all struggle for the largest possible share of added value. In this
respect the highest capitalist corporations resemble the small inrerest
groups which operate among the lowliest strata of the population, both
within and outside the legal boundaries. [ . . . ] A true sociology of the racket
as the living element of the ruling class in history could serve both a
political and a scientific purpose. It could help to clarify the goal of political
praxis: a society with a pattern different to that of the racket, a racket-less
society. It could contribute to defining the idea of democracy which
still leads a shadowy life in the heads of human beings. [ ... ] Expressed in
scientific terms, a more appropriate philosophy of history could evolve
from the sociology of the racket. [ ... ] The modern concept contributes
to describing social relationships of the past. 'The human anatomy is the
key to the anatomy of rre ape.
, "48
The political and economic basis for a theory of rackets and of state
capitalism was developed within the Institute primarily by Horkheimer
and Pollock; dissenting voices were not lacking among their colleagues,
.
Editor's Afterword 237
particularly those of Neumann and Kirchheimer. Although Horkheimer
adhered fundamentally to the thesis, the criticism may have retarded early
publication of his reflections on racket theory. Adorno's contribution,49
too, remained unpublished. These beginnings of the theory were not elaborated
in detail later.
They were, however, the decisive factor in the transition from the
earlier form of Critical Theory, represented by the essays in Zeitschrift for
Sozia/forschung during the 1930s, to an historical and generic critique of
instrumental reason, of which Dialectic of Enlightenment is the most important
document. But the specific economic and political arguments do
not appear, or appear only in rudimentary form, in this book. Nevertheless,
they provide the background of social theory against which the scientific,
moral, cultural, and psychological phenomena of the self-destruction
of enlightenment were interpreted. Since the authors limit the application
of the Marxian categories essentially to liberalism-which, especially
with regard to the, at least partial, achievement of bourgeois freedom,
is presented as a transient episode in a history of power always dominated
by the law of the racket_:.[t is understandable why those categories
are pushed into the background in Dialectic of Enlightenment. Racket theory,
of course, has as its occasion and subject the fate of the once oppositional
workers' organizations.50 It shows how far the class struggle had
been transformed under monopoly capitalism into a system of transactions
between monopolistic units and thus into a medium of adaptation.
J. Textual Variants. Theoretical Revisions and Misgivings
Regarding the Dissemination of the Theory
The reason for the decision initially not to commit Dialectic of Enlightenment
to print was certainly not only the slender financial means and
uncertain academic, political, and geographical future of the Institute in
the mid-1940s. This is indicated by the facts that the hectographic edition
was limited to about 500 copies and distributed only to specific recipients;
that an American edition was not seriously considered; and, finally, that
the text for the printed edition published three years later was subjected to
thorough revision. None of this is surprising in the case of authors who
were always concerned to ensure that their own theoretical utterances or
those of others never became entirely detached from their systematic, his-
238 Editor's Afterword
torical, and social contexts. All the more revealing from the historical
standpoint, therefore, are the revisions to the content and terminology of
the text undertaken not only in that first period bur also more than two
decades later. In this edition, these changes, when they go beyond mere
orthographic corrections and minor changes of wording, are indicated in
the form of footnotes. These were produced on the basis of comparisons
between the different editions (1944, 1947, and 1969) made by Willem van
Reijen and Jan Bransen. In their commentary, which follows this Afterword,
they relate the textual changes (between 1944 and 1947) to the evolution
of the economic and political theory underlying them.
Clearly, there are a number of different motives for the later interventions
in the text. That becomes clear if the textual variants are classified.
The following groups of revised formulations can be distinguished.
(1) Formulations which tie the text directly to its time of origin.
These include editorial explanations ("When, two years ago, we began this
work ... "51), qualifications reflecting contemporary history ("fascist present"52),
or overly specialized historical on geographical examples ("The
German and Russian pavilions at the Paris World Exposition seemed of
the same essence,"53 "the monumental buildings of monopoly, the skyscrapers
of Wrigley and Rockefeller"54).
(2) Obscure or elaborate formulations which required stylistic simplification
or unraveling, but without replacing theoretically or politically
loaded terms (for example, "the official spokesmen [ . . . ] are repudiating
the thought to which they owe their place in the sun" becomes "the official
spokesmen [ . . . ] are liquidating the theory to which they owe their
place in the sun"55).
Terminological changes based on theoretical considerations, such as
the replacement of the expression "mass culture" originally used by "the
culture industry," can be included in this group.56
(3) Formulations in which monopoly capitalism, totalitarianism, and
fascism were equated too indiscriminately. In these cases what had been
said in general terms about "class society," "monopolism," or the "wtalitarian
order" is made more concrete and is restricted w "fascism" or
"German fascism."57 There is clearly also an intention to soften excessively
crass judgments on Western democracy or liberalism.58 Two formulations
referring especially critically and inclusively to Jewish functionaries
and Ch ristian churches can also he included in this- group.5
Editor's Afterword 239
(4) Formulations in which certain theoretically, historically, or politically
loaded terms from Marxian or Marxist theory were used. This group
not only preponderates quantitatively-it includes more than half the
amended passages-bur is also far more interesting historically than the
others. The politico-economic terms are replaced as a rule by neutral economic,
sociological, or moral-practical expressions-for example, "proletarians"
by "workers,"6
0 "capitalist" by "entrepreneur,"6
1 "throughout class
hisrory" by "until today,"
6
1 "exploication" by "suffering."6
3 More than half
of these offending formulations include a single concept, that of "monopoly"
(and, again, the great majority of these cases is found in the chapter
on "The Culture Industry").
One important motive for such reformulations was undoubtedly the
concern ro avoid making political enemies, which might possibly have had
threatening consequences for the Institute or individual members of it. As
early as the 1930s Horkheimer had had serious doubts about the lasting
sustainabiliry of a liberal right of asylum in face of opposition from interest
groups involved in domestic or foreign politics. The terminological
changes, therefore, do nor reflect a single break but rather a continuum in
Horkheimer's thinking. Even the terminology from this period relating to
the proletariat and the revolution was characteristically modified in the
publications of the Zeitschrift.64 And even as late as the 1950s and 196os in
posrwar Germany he constantly anticipated the possibly fatal consequences
of ill-considered urrerances; indeed, he even feared the return of
a situation in which people would be able to communicate only, as it were,
in whispers.6
5
Such "translations" of Marxist concepts in keeping with the tradition
of philosophical and political enlightenment were aU the more natural
since Critical Theory, starting with its name, represented a reaction to the
repudiation of Marxian theory by the authoritarian forms of socialism.
The use of language, and reference to the "classics," especially under integral
statism of the Soviet kind, had, in the authors' view, lost any truly critical
power and, indeed, had itself become a means of repression. For this
reason Critical Theory not only was able to draw on the established disciplines
and concepts of scholarly tradition bur also considered the "tendencies
opposed ro official science"66 to have become obsolete. For, as they
write, alluding ro Soviet Marxism, "They suffer the fare which has always
been reserved for triumphant thought. If it voluntarily leaves behind irs
240 Editor's Afterword
critical element to become a mere means in the service of an existing order,
it involun.tarily tends to transform the positive cause it has espoused into
something negative and destructive."67 This interpretation is fundamental
to Dialectic of Enlightenment but was not carried out in the book itself. In
his "Remarks on Thesis VII [of "Elements of Anti-Semitism"]," Adorno
noted critically in 1946 that in Dialectic of Enlightenment the authoritarian
"ticket thinking" present in Bolshevism was neglected: "The thesis
applies there in its classical form. [ ... ]This whole process of the extermination
of humanity in the name of socialism was untouched in the
Fragments.68 It is, however, essential to an understanding of the situation
as a whole and can no longer be ignored."69 As early as "The Authoritarian
State" Horkheimer had criticized bureaucratic socialism as the most
advanced form of authoritarian rule, and there was no lack, subsequently,
of unmistakable statements regarding Soviet Marxism by both authors.
But they never produced a comprehensive critique of that system and
therefore were constandy in fear of being confused with it.
Independently of such questions concerning the prejudiced reception
the book might receive, however, there was also a more narrowly theoretical
motive. The change in their evaluation of Marxian theory and its
applicability to state capitalism and integral statism, on the one hand, and
of economic and political reality, of the political tendencies and the
chances of changing them, on the other, needed to be reflected in the terminology.
The elimination- of fascist rule in Central Europe as a result of
the war required a redefinition of certain terms which earlier had implicitly
equated totalitarianism, fascism, and monopoly capitalism; and the
regular focus of the diagnosis of the present on "monopoly" in the earlier
version of the text suggested an indiscriminately economistic or subjectivist
approach which stood in flat contradiction to the acuity of their
analysis elsewhere: economic monopoly could neither causally explain the
dialectic of enlightenment in its full breadth nor identify the historical
subject of the fateful history of the species. And, not least important, it
was necessary to address the thesis that the monopoly capitalism which
had existed up to then was ,in the process of undergoing a qualitative
change to become "state capitalism." In this respect the racket theory held
an ambiguous position. On the one hand, the identification of fascist rule
as an unmediated form of power and at the same time the legitimate heir
of bourgeois monopoly capitalism70 prepared the way
.
for a generalized
Editor's Afterword 241
racket theory of domination which went beyond the limited model of the
criminal gang. On the other, however, such a theory was in danger-as
Horkheimer himself was aware71-of merely replacing an oversimplified
economic concept ("monopoly") by an oversimplified political one ("rackets").
Probably for this reason, the textual changes aff ected both terms:
"monopoly" is replaced by "the influential clique"72 and "rackets" by "the
completely organized system of domination. "73
Despite this critical distance, at the time of the book's first publication
in printed form the authors continued to regard themselves as
Marxists. In the report of a discussion in 1946 about the planned continuation
of their joint work after the completion of the printed version,
Horkheimer writes: "We see this moment of unity [in the analysis of politics
and philosophy] in holding fast to the radical impulses of Marxism
and, in fact, of the entire Enlightenment-for the rescue of the Enlightenment
is our concern-but without identifying ourselves with any empirically
existing party or group. Our position is, in a sense, a materialism
which dispenses with the prejudice of regarding any moment of existing
material reality as directly positive. The paradox, the dialectical secret of a
true politics, consists in choosing a critical standpoint which does not
hypostatize itself as the positive standpoint. [ ... ] [W]e are [ ... ] Stoics
because there is no party. "74
Adorno objected to this stoic conception of oneself on the grounds
that it was inappropriate to an advanced technology which could now
eliminate all material poverty. His counterproposal for their continuing
work was, however, no closer to the reality of politics. For he went back to
the original conception of a materialist theory of categories dating from
1938. Political and economic questions should not be taken as the starting
point for philosophical analyses, as Horkheimer envisaged; rather, "one
should begin by analyzing logical and epistemological categories. The task
would be to subject categories like concept, judgment, subject, substantiality,
essence, and suchlike to the kind of examination that was already
begun in the Fragments. This should include not only purely logical but
;>.!so historical and social discussions. The historical and social substance of
the categories and their present status should be determined from their
immanent meanings, and such an analysis would lead on to a judgment
on the correct and false moments of the categories concerned."75
The [WO amhors t:.ibl [0 awee, however, on the question of the
242 Editor's Afterword
proper relationship between political and philosophical analysis. Horkheimer,
from the outset, placed greater emphasis on the political. To which
Adorno responded: "What you fear is a heavy chunk of professorial philosophy.
My fear is that the leap from logic to reality will be made in a
dogmatic or analogistic way. "76 Perhaps this dissent should be seen as one
of the-undoubtedly numerous-reasons why the planned continuation
of Dialectic of Enlightenment did not materialize. Horkheimer put the
emphasis on the question of how his intention to "rescue the Enlightenment"77
was to be reconciled with the radical nature of a self-referential
critique of reason: "I should like to see one main theme, e.g.: What can
theory do in the present situation? What is its place? Or: How can the
abstractness of the concept be overcome by the concept itself?"78 Adorno,
for his part, came down much more squarely on the negative side of this
aporia: "[ . .. ] reason is its own sickness."79
In this way Dialectic of Enlightenment also remained a fragment in
the sense that its planned continuation did not come about. It formed the
indispensable starting point and reference point for Horkheimer's though,t
during the two decades after his return from emigration.80 But this reference
point remained latent, and of uncertain usefulness. On the one hand,
the epochs of fascism and postwar democracy in Western countries,
despite their deep-seated differences, were, for Horkheimer, connected by
a continuum: the preponderance of bureaucratic structures over the free
subject, which they buried beneath them. On the other, he saw in Western
democracies very serious possibilities of opposing this tendency, which he
regarded as irreversible in the history of the species; to preserve the scope
for freedom which, despite everything, still existed, was for him a practical
postulate. To express this contradiction, the resolution of which he did
not believe possible, he coined, and applied to himself, the notion of a
complerr{entarity of theoretical pessimism and practidu optimism.81
This dichotomy is also present in a similar form in the relationship
of Critical Theory to science. The rejection of established and departmentalized
science announced in the Preface to Dialectic of Enlightenment is
anything but consistently carried through in the book itself, in which the
authors continue frequently to base their argument, whether affirmatively
or critically, on the findings of individual disciplines. Irrespective of the
philosophical reflection which rejects both sense data and judgmerus as
mediated immediacies, they concede even here -that "practically fruidi.rl
I
Editor's Afterword 243
scientific enterprises call for an unimpaired capacity for definicion, for
shutting down thought at a point designated by social need, for demarcating
a field which is then investigated in the minutest derail without
passing outside ir."82 From this point of view, the empirical research projeers
which the Institute had planned from the early 1940s and carried out
until the end of that decade belie the radical nature of their rejection of
science. And after their return to Frankfurt both the reestablishment of
the Insrirut and Horkheimer's and Adorno's intensive academic work and
involvement in educational politics during the 1950s and 196os bear witness
to their continuing and vigorous confidence in the enlightening
potencial of science. Nevertheless, all these concessions to the "business"
of science are subject to a general reservation: science, Horkheimer writes
in one of his notebooks in the early 1950s, is inherently subject to "standards
adapted to the purpose of domination,"83 and the true philosophy
which aims to resist the negative course of the world must beware of
secretly wishing to submit to scientific standards.
The question whether a new edition of Dialectic of Enlightenment
should be published did not arise until the early 196os-up to then copies
of the first edition had still been available. At that time the initial decision
on such matters was in the responsibility of Pollock. In January 1961 he
compiled, for the first time, a list of "problematic" passages and expressions
in the text and noted: "Reacquaintance with Dialectic of Enlightenment
leads distressingly to two conclusions: How many significant ideas
are contained in it, and in an adequate and convincing form; and how little
or, rather, how much less than fifteen years ago, one can say without
incurring the fury of the mob. [ ... ] My question marks and crosses predominantly
indicate misgivings about the too-unguarded use of language.
Only in a few places did I think it necessary to express doubts, as an 'expert,'
on rhe correctness of the content. All in all, I come to the dismal
conclusion rhar rhe content of Dialectic is not suitable for mass circulation.
However, individual chapters, somewhat amended here and there, should
be republished in the planned collection."84 It is reported rhat Adorno did
nor share such misgivings to the same extent as Horkheimer and that he
tried, vainly ar first, to persuade rhe latter to agree to a largely unamended
new edition. The particular reasons for Horkheimer's hesitation have
not been recorded; but they were, no doubt, political concerns which
probably arc approxi mately reflected in Pollock's formulations. That Ador-
244 Editor's Afterword
no, too, shared such misgivings, at least in part, is shown by a draft he produced
for a letter, written in summer 1962, in which he and Horkheimer
jointly replied to Marcuse, who had emphatically supported the idea of a
new edition. In this draft he writes: ''The situation is simply that, on the
one hand, there are certain hazardous formulations, especially concerning
organized religion, that we are afraid about, should the book achieve the
circulation which is now to be expected; on the other hand, we wish to
keep the text intact and not to water it down because of any concerns and
considerations. [ . .. ] One gradually grows too old to be able to pay overmuch
attention to matters of security. The 'pro' for republication is therefore
beginning to tilt the scales against the 'contra."'85 However, in the
final text of the letter redrafted by Horkheimer, this is replaced by the general
formulation: "The well-known reasons which had deterred us from
agreeing to the second edition become less weighty with each year that we
get older. "8
6
By now an Italian translation had been ready for printing for some
time-the authors had agreed to its production, by Renato Solmi, as early
as 1955;87 it finally carne out in 1966. In this text, and in line with the preceding
misgivings, a considerable number of changes were made, which
Pollock justified in a draft for a preface, written for Horkheimer and
Adorno, and cenainly after agreeing to the content with them. Because
this draft clearly characterizes the authors' political self-understanding at
this time, as well as their view of the context of the book's production, it
will be quoted in full here:
The German text of Dialectic of Enlightenment is a fragment. About the end
of the war it was intended to form the introduction to the theory of history and
society which we had conceived during the National Socialist period of rule. The
attempt to use Hitler's regime to accelerate the regression to the bourgeois-individualistic-world,
because the power struggles in the new period of world history,
in both war and peace, require an absence of economic and administrative friction
which is difficult to achieve under the conditions of democracy, had failed.
The rapacious nationalism of the East had not been eliminated by its crazy halfbrother
in the West; rather, war had unleashed developments in Asia, Africa, and
South America from which nationalism finally benefits. Life in Europe is threatened
by a new migration of peoples which overshadows the earlier one in violence
and terror. If physical resistance finally gives way, at least something of irs capac·
ity for experience;. for reflection and critical consciousness shall live on, just as the
cddque of power lived on at the end of Antiquity.
Editor's Afterword 245
That was the mood in which the fragment was written-and we do not disclaim
it today. However, instead of developing the theory further we moved back
to Germany to try to assist by teaching, despite the dark horizon. Meanwhile the
calamity which seems to hang over Europe has been symbolically concretized in
the divided Germany. In the Eastern regions people live like slaves, while in the
West they subordinate everything else to the will to protect themselves from such
slavery. Culture threatens to become a mere means. That is why we believe the
book to be srill topical today. Bur the terror inflicted by the National Socialist
murderers in the 1940s lives on in the more up-to-date and historically more powerful
form which the tyrants of the Eastern mass empires disseminate today.
This has affected the content of the book with no intervention from us. The
terminology used in our critique of totalitarian terror has hardened through its use
by terror's representatives in the East to a litany which contradicts what it once
meant. No word is immune to its own history. We sincerely thank the translator,
Dr Renato Solmi, for the dedication to which his work bears witness. As far as we
can judge, he has masterfully fulfilled our request to convey the book's meaning.
Our analysis of cultural phenomena from the 1930s and 1940s, which we in
no way intend to moderate, is supplemented by our hope that the overthrow of
the totalitarian Nazi rule has awakened forces which, despite everything, will
resist the temptation which will not fail to emerge one day in every country.
Through irs theme, our book points out the regressive tendencies which arise
from economic, social, and cultural progress itself. We know of no linguistic
sphere which contains a more sensitive organ for this task than the Italian.88
Salmi responded by advising urgently against most of the textual changes
and asked Horkheimer, as the latter writes to Adorno, "almost on bended
knee," "to omit the substantive discussion [in the Pre ace] , because it
would unleash political controversy."89 Horkheimer, however, attributed
these misgivings mainly to concerns about the political tendency of the
publishing house. The authors therefore insisted on the textual changes,
bur dispensed with the substantive preface on the grounds that "it does no
good to encourage the reader to start searching for changes."90 In the
event, no Italian reviewer noticed the changes to begin with; they were discovered
only about ten years later and subjected, in some cases, to political
debate.91 In Germany, however, twenty-nine amended passages were
painstakingly listed as early as 1967, in an article in a Frankfurt students'
newspaper, refuting the assurances in the prefaces that no essential
ch:mges had been made. Annoyance at what was taken to be an abandonment
of Marxism was unavoidable: "What is left of Critical Theory's claim
246 Editor's Afterword
to be critical if its sting is removed in the way indicated by the Italian edition?"92

This experience with the Italian edition is unlikely, on the one hand,
to have exactly encouraged the authors to bring out a new German edition
but probably did, on the other hand, contribute to the fact that, when the
new edition finally appeared in 1969, it was largely spared further interventions
in the content. A year earlier, in his "Letter to S. Fischer Verlag,"
Horkheimer had unequivocally distanced himself from the hopes regarding
the future that he had expressed in his early writings but without abandoning
the intention which underlay those essays: "My hesitation [regarding
republication] springs from the difficulty of reexpressing the old ideas,
which were not independent of that time, without harming what seems to
me true today: the need to renounce the belief in the imminent realization
of the ideas ofWestern civilization and yet to advocate those ideas-without
Providence, indeed, against the progress attributed to them."93 In fact,
Horkheimer had already renounced the belief in the imminent "realization
of the ideas of Western civilization," as he here paraphrases the proleta.r;ian
revolution in terms of cultural philosophy, in Dialectic of Enlightenment.
Nevertheless, this statement also throws light on his evaluation of
his critique of society and reason in the 1940s. For common to both phases
of Horkheimer's Critical Theory is the impulse to withstand the contradiction
of "expressing the frightening tendencies of the present while
not giving up the idea of something different. "94
But it was not only external pressures or the pirated editions of the
text already in circulation which are likely to have induced Horkheimer
finally to agree to the new, authorized publication. Another decisive factor
may have been that in the course of the 196os Horkheimer's thinking once
more drew closer to the theoretical standpoint of Dialectic of Enlightenment.
In this period, as we can read in Notizen I95o--I969, his thinking was
marked by a deep-seated skepticism with regard to reason, which took up
some features of those earlier ideas and radicalized them funher. Adorno,
on his return to Frankfurt, had been able to connect directh• with this text
and the other work from those years in his new writing. It was not until
the end of the 1950s, however-the year of his retirement, 1959, could be
mentioned as the decisive moment-that Horkheimer returned to a position
extremely close in some respects to that of Adorno.95 However, he
expressed this po'sition only in the Notizen, which w
rc unpublished in his
Editor's Afterword 247
liferime. In these notes, negarive metaphysics and negarive religion are
joined in a precarious uniry. The "rrue yearning for something different"
springs from rhe fundamental experience of ineradicable suffering in the
social conrexr and of a metaphysical, global negation of meaning. Philosophy
seems possible only in the vanishing private sphere. It has thus become
obsolere in face of historical progress. Such reflections, however,
must ser rhemselves philosophical demands if rhey are nor to remain
rrapped in empry skepticism. Horkheimer's lare philosophy is marked by
this contradiction, already prefigured in Dialectic of Enlightenment: to recognize
that the path to rhe realization of reason in history is blocked and
yer, despite all the criricism, to assume the purpose and possibiliry of enlightenment.

The Disappearance of Class History in
"Dialectic of Enlightenment"
A Commentary on the Textual Variants (I941 and I944)
by Willem van Reijen and Jan Bransen
Since the early 1940s scholars at the Institute for Social Research had
devoted themselves with special intensity to analyzing the causes and consequences
of fascist rule, with the aim of carrying out extensive research
projects. In the course of this work two opposed views emerged. On one
side, Horkheimer, Adorno, Pollock, and Lowenthal developed the thesis
that National Socialism, as compared to traditional capitalism, represented
a new order. While they regarded fascist state capitalism as the most
recent outcome of capitalist logic, they believed that this outcome manifested
a new quality: the dominance of politics over economics. In his
essay entitled "Is National Socialism a New Order?"' Pollock, on whose
specialist knowledge of economics the other advocates of this view relied,
answered this question in the affirmative. On the other side, Neumann,
Kirchheimer, and Gurland supported the thesis that the National Socialist
ecortomic order was a continuous development of capitalism, so that one
could not speak of a new order. This controversy over the primacy of politics
or economics in posdiberal capitalism, as authors such as Dubiel and
Sollner or Brick and Postone show,Z impinged deeply on the theoretical
self-underst:inding of the members of the Institute for Social Research.
Pollock's study of the development of capitalism had been a permanent
pan of the Institute's work since the early 1930s. !n his early essays'
A Commentary on the Textual Variants 249
he followed Marx in locating the contradictions threatening the capitalist
system in the growing tension between productive forces and the relations
of production. He argued that the quality of the new economic crisis
demonstrated that liberal capitalism, with its attempts to regulate crises
through the marker, must fail. It was therefore time for a transition to a
new economic order which, although based on the old one and therefore
to be seen as a development of it, exhibited the novel quality of a planned
economy. The latter, according to Pollock, was possible in two forms: as a
capitalist planned economy on the basis of private ownership of the means
of production, or as a Socialist planned economy on the basis of socialized
ownership of the means of production. Pollock contradicted the Marxian
theory of the collapse of capitalism and went still further in prophesying
its permanence: "What is coming to an end is not capitalism but only its
liberal phase. "4
In the early 1940s Pollock refined and sharpened his analysis. 5 He
now applied the term "state capitalism" both to the National Socialist economy
and to the economy of the Soviet Union. Both were totalitarian forms
of the economic order. Typical of both these forms of state capitalism was
the "fusion ofleading bureaucracies from the worlds of business, state, and
party"6 to form a new ruling class. By contrast, in the democratic form of
state capitalism ro be found in the USA, for example, the state apparatus
was, to be sure, controlled by the people but had in common with the
totalitarian varieties the fact that state activity rendered the key function of
the marker inoperative. While there were still profits, prices, and wages,
these no longer predominantly determined economic actions. And the
influence on decisions of the private ownership of rhe means of production
had disappeared. The individual capitalist, separated from the centralized
decision-making agencies and "overruled" by the state administration, had
become a mere recipient of annuities.7 There were no longer any autonomous
economic problems, only administrative problems. For this reason
impulses for social change no longer emanated from the economic sphere.
It had become static. All initiatives issued from politics-unless problems
of political legitimation arose, for example, in connection with unemployment
or the failure of the standard of living to rise. Pollock therefore
replaced the tension between the relations of production and the productive
forces, regarded as fundamental by Marx, by the tension between the
relations of production and Jisrribution. The switch from the primacy of
2 so '/ hr· / Ji.ltljJf't'tll'tlllt'r o( L'/11.1.1 IIi stm:y
economics to that of politics takes place within the distribution sphere: it
is the switch from unconscious to conscious distribution and control. In
both cases Pollock assumed a primacy of the mode of distribution.8
The concept of "state capitalism" did not remain unconrested within
the Institute. Neumann, in particular, took a critical view.9 His position
makes clear the theory of the paramount role of economics which is also
implicit in Dialectic of Enlightenment. For Neumann continued to advance
the thesis of continuity in the developmenr from liberal capitalism to
National Socialism. Neumann considered Pollock's concept to be a contradictio
in adjecto. Either, he argued, National Socialist society is capitalist-in
which case market, competition, and profit continue to function
as before; or the state determines economic processes-in which case society
is not capitalist in the Marxian sense. Unlike Pollock, Neumann pur
the emphasis on the fact that the contradictions in developed capitalism
had not been resolved but inrensified. As empirical evidence he cited various
measures of totalitarian rule and economic regulation which did not
curtail the importance of competition and profit.
But Neumann's work, too, conrains a number of ideas by which he
sought to account for the qualitative changes in the relationship of monopoly
capitalism to totalitarian rule. He did not dispure the functional
increase of politics compared to economics which he, too, perceived as
continuing in the posrfascist states and in which he saw a "developmental
product of capitalism."1° Finally, he attempted to incorporate Pollock's
analyses, in reinterpreted form, in his own approach: "Control over the
state apparatus is [ ... ] the pivot on which everything turns. This is the
only possible meaning of the primacy of politics over economics."11 In
arguing this, however, he did not mean to call inro question the fundamentally
capitalist mode of operation of "totalitarian monopoly capitalism,"
to use his expression, which has remained a standard term until
today.
Naturally, Horkheimer's own work was not uninfluenced by this
controversy. In 1937 he still unquestioningly accepted the Marxian thesis
of the contradiction between the productive forces and the relations of
production; what had changed under fascism was, above all, that the techniques
of power and manipulation had been perfected. The culture taken
over by fascism, Horkheimer argued, no longer held resource for criticism
and opposition. In 1942, in the essay "The Authoritarian State," however,
he based himsdf on Pollm-k's t heory of st a te capi talism. Nat ional Sodal·
ism and bureaucr;uic Social ism of rhe Sovier kind _were d is tinguished, at
most, by the composition of the ruling cliques, but in both cases pol i t irs
had gained dominance over econ mics. As "integral statism" the Soviet
system appeared as the most logical form of the authoritarian state.
If the rwo versions of Dialectic of Enlightenment are compared-the
mimeographic publication of the Institute of Social Research of 1944 and
the first primed copy of 1947-it is clear how deeply the debate over the
primacy of economics over politics had affected the self undersranding of
its rwo authors. To be sure, Horkheimer and Adorno assert in their Preface
to the book edition, which follows the original Preface, that "The book
contains no essential changes to the text completed during the War."1'- But
few things are more open to dispute than the question as to what is essential;
the textual changes made for the book edition of 1947 can be calbl ,
at least, significant. This will be shown by a few representative passages:
Throughout the book the authors replaced terms such as "monopo ­
ly," "capital," and "profit," which had become charged with specific meanings
through the debate over state capitalism, with less charged expressions.
"Monopoly" becomes "the economic appararus";13 or the term is replaced
by "the agencies of mass production," 14 "the system of modern industry," 1 ''
"the culture industry,"16 "those in control,"17 or, more neutrally, "the system."18
However, the term "monopoly" is not infrequently replaced by
"trusts" and "combines."19 The "monopoly rulers" are transformed i nto
"managing directors."20 "Capital" becomes "the economy,"21 its "power"
the "power of the economically strongest,"22 or "capitalism" disappears
completely. 23
From the posrwar perspective in which the printed version was produced,
fascist phenomena are more precisely qualified, whereas earlier they
had been referred to generally as economic phenomena: the "collective of
the totalitarian monopoly" becomes the "fascist collective,"24 "monopoly"
becomes "fascism."25 There is an increasing distance .from Marxian terminology.
The "relations of production" become "economic forms,"26 "class
domination" becomes "domination,"27 "exploitation" becomes the more
neutral "enslavement,"28 "control" becomes "utilization,"29 "those in control"
become "leaders."30 "Class history" disappears completely.31 "Monopoly"
becomes "industry"32 or no longer appears at all.33
The almost complete elimination of the term "monopoly" from all
2 52 The Disappearance of Class History
important passages, and the transformation of "capital" into "economy"
and similar terms in most places, are nor sufficiently explained by political
misgivings and considerations alone. Rather-and this is more important
for a theoretical and systematic understanding of Dialectic of Enlightenment-they
show that in the mid-1940s Horkheimer and Adorno, in
keeping with Pollock's analyses, had distanced themselves definitively
from a form of Marxism which assumed the primacy of economics. Instead,
me importance of control through politics and me culture industry
moves clearly into the foreground.
It would nevertheless be mistaken to conclude that Horkheimer and
Adorno had thereby turned their backs on Marxian theory altogether. The
references to fascism, which emerged more emphatically in me book version
than in the first publication, should be understood not only as anxious
reminders mat the dangers issuing from fascism still persisted but also
as evidence of the aumors' view that capitalism and fascism were still intertwined
as social principles and that capitalism continued to have me tendency
to prevent the realization of me "realm of freedom." Horkheimer
and Adorno decisively rejected a mechanistic interpretation of Marx of the
kind adopted by theoreticians of the Second International and by the
Soviet orthodoxy, but they did not deny the fundamental importance of
the economic order for the totaliry of social orders in the modern period.
For this reason the Marxian approach continued to be fundamental to
Critical Theory.
Notes
[Bracketed numbers are the page numbers on which asterisk notes appear; other
numbers refer ro the numbered notes. "Ir. tr." = from the Italian translation.]
DEDI CATION
[vii] "Pollock" I 1944: Pollock for his fiftieth birthday on 22 May 1944; 1947=
"Pollock for his fiftieth birthday."
P REFACES
[xiii] "Preface ro the Italian Edition": Translated from the Italian by Philipp
Rippel wim reference ro the German draft by M.H. and T.W.A.
[xiv] "When" I 1944l47: "When, two years ago."
[xiv] "a ... of" I 1944: "renewed."
[xiv] "with an increasing" I 1944: "readily with the."
[xiv] "The tireless ... humanity" I 1944: "The end of enlightenment by its
own hand, hypocritically celebrated by crude advocates of the totalitarian order
in their propaganda speeches and naively executed by the smart attorneys of the
victims in their respective branches of the culture industry."
[xv] "friendship" l 1944: "friendship, in the Action Fran!j:aise."-"Acrion Fran­
ise": extreme right-wing movement in France between 1898 and 1944.
[xv] "place in ... sun": allusion to an imperialist slogan coined in Wilhelmine
Germany.
[xv] "liquidating ... completely." l 1944: "repudiating the thought to which
they owe their place in the sun before it has had time ro prostitute itself completely
in the service of those now basking there."
254 Notes to Pages xvi-xix
[xvi] "the regression" I 1944: "its reversal."
[xvi] "headlong" I 1944: "in such a way."
[xvi] "rational" I 1944: "a rational."
[xvii] "In the ... increase" I 1944: "The powerless and pliability of the masses
increase."
[xvii] "Today, however," I 1944: "In the name of enlightenment."
[xvii] "increased sufferings" I 1944: "increased exploitation."
[xvii] "melting down ... crucible" I 1944: "application of the national melting
pot to all cultural entities."
[xviii] "Volkswagen" I 1944: "chewing gum."
[xviii] "curtain" I 1944: "veil."
[xix] "demonstrates" I 1944: "defines."
[xix] "fragmentary" I 1944: "fragmentary. Large parts, written long before,
need only final editing. In them the positive aspects of mass culture will also be
dealt with."-The second part of the chapter, not finally edited ar that rime, has
now been published with the title "Das Schema der Massenkultur" as an appendix
to Dialektik der Aujkliirtmg in Adorno, Gesammelte Schriften, Vol. III, Frankfurt
am Main 1981, pp. 299ff.
[xix] "empirical ... Research" I 1944: "the research project of the Institute of
Social Research."
[xix] "anthropology" I 1944: "anthropology.
In selecting the fragments from the work of the previous two years we opted
for those with clear internal coherence and unity of language. We excluded all
English works produced in the same period, regardless of their thematic connection
to the fragments. We would mention the lecture series "Sociery and Reason";
rhe essays "Sociology of Class Relations" and 'The Revival of Dogmatism"; the
extensive analysis of anti-Semitic propaganda, "The Psychological Technique of
Marrin Luther Thomas' Radio Addresses," and our other studies in contributions
ro the project on anti-Semitism. Collaboration in this study carried out in New
York, Los Angeles, and Berkeley took at least half our time.-Of the German preliminary
studies to the whole work, which include the fragments themselves, we
left our the pieces on logic, among others. The already formulated parts of rhe
planned section concerned with a critique of sociology are also omitted.
If rhe good fortune of being able to work on such questions without the
unpleasant pressure of immediate purposes should continue, we hope to complete
the whole work in the not too distant future. We are encouraged to believe
rhis by the confidence, undeflected by the vicissitudes of the rime, of rhe person
to whom the part completed so far is now dedicated."
"Socicry and Reason": under this general title Horkheimer gave five lectures ar
Columbia Univef
siry, New York, in February and March 1944. They were later
Notes to Pages I-5 255
used as the basis of Eclipse of Reason ( New York 1947), German tide Zur Kritik der
instrumenteilen Vernunft, Frankfurt am Main 1967.
"Sociology of Class Relations": essay by Horkheimer from 1943 now published
with the tide "Zur Soziologie der Klassenverhaltnisse" in Gesammelte Schriften,
Vol. XII, Frankfun am Main 1985, pp. 75ff.
"The Revival of Dogmatism. Remarks on Nco-Positivism and Neo-Thomism":
Horkheimer's manuscript with his tide later formed the basis of Chapter 2
of Eclipse of Reason.
THE CONCEPT OF ENLIGHTENMENT
[1] "The concept" I 1944: "The dialectic."
[1] "disenchantment of the world": "allusion to a formulation of Max \X'eber's;
cf. Weber, "Wissenschafr als Beruf" (1919) in Gesammelte Aufiiitze zur Wissenschafolehre,
Tiibingen 1968, p. 594·
r. Voltaire, Lettr es philosophiques, ed. F. A. Taylor, London 1992, p. 36.
2. "In Praise of Knowledge," in Francis Bacon, ed. Arthur Johnston, London
1965, P· 15.
[2] "enslavement" I 1944: "exploitation."
[2] "economic system" I 1944: "capitalism."
[2] "exploitation ... others" I 1944: "control of foreign work."
3· Cf. Bacon, Novum Organum, The rks of Francis Bacon, ed. Basil Montagu,
London 1825, Vol. XIV, p. 31.
4· Bacon, "Valerius Terminus: Of the Interpretation of Nature." Miscellaneous
Tracts upon Human Knowledge, Works, Vol. I, p. 281.
[3] "spirit-seer": allusion to Kant's dispute with Swedenborg: "Dreams of a
spirit-seer elucidated by dreams of metaphysics" in Kant, Theoretical Philosophy,
trans. David Walford, Cambridge/New York 1992.
5· Cf. Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit, trans. A. V. Miller, Oxford 1977, pp.
331f.
6. Xenophanes, Momaigne, Hurne, Feuerbach, and Salomon Reinach are at
one here. Cf. Reinach, Orpheus, trans. F. Simmons, London and New York 1909,
pp. 6ff.
7· Bacon, De augmentis scientiamm, Works, Vol. VIII, p. 152.
8. J. de Maistre, "Les Soirees de Saint-Petersbourg." 5ieme emretien, Oeuvm
completes, Lyon 1891, Vol. IV, p. 256.
9· Bacon, Advancement of Learning, Works, Vol. II, p. 126.
10. Genesis I, 26
11. Archilochus, fr. 87, quoted by Deussen, Allgemeine Geschichte der Philosophie,
Vol. II, Pt. 1, Leipzig 1911, p. 18.
12. Solon, fr. 13.2.5 et seq., quoted by Deussen, op. cit. , p. 2.0.
256 Notes to Pages 7-I6
IJ. Cf. Robert H. Lowie, An Introduction to Cultural Anthropowgy, New York
1940, pp. 344f.
14. Cf. Freud, Totem and Taboo, in The Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund
Freud, trans. James Srrachey, London 1991, pp. 85ff.
15. Ibid., p. 89.
[7] "industrial technology" I 1944: "the technology of monopoly."
(8] "insufficient righteousness": allusion to the positivists' charge that metaphysical
philosophers lacked sufficient correctness, honesty, and uprightness, a
charge generally leveled by "enlightened" thought against the preceding philosophical
systems. (It. tr.)
[9] "doubtless" l 1944: (missing).
r6. Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit, op. cit., p. 342 (where Trupp is translated
more neutrally as "group").
I?. Cf. W. Kirfel, "Geschichre Indiens," in Propyliienweltgeschichte, Vol. III,
pp. 26Iff, and G. Glorz, "Histoire Grecque," Vol. 1, in Histoire Ancienne, Paris
I938, pp. 137ff.
[9] "subjugated people" I 19«: "objects of exploitation."
rB. G. Glorz, op. cit., p. I40.
19. Cf. Kurt Eckermann, ]ahrbuch der Religionsgeschichte und Mythologie,
Halle 1845, Vol. I, p. 241, and 0. Kern, Die Religion der Griechen, Vol. I, Berlin
1926, pp. 18rf.
[ro] "link" l 1944: "link" (n. 20 here).
20. Hubert and Mauss describe the narure of "sympathy" or mimesis as follows:
"I.:un est le rout, tour est dans l'un, Ia nature triomphe de Ia narure." H.
Hubert and M. Mauss, "Theorie generale de Ia Magic," in L'Annie Sociologique
1902-3, p. 100.
21. Cf. Westermarck, Urspnmg der Moralbegriffi, Leipzig 1913, Vol. I, p. 402.
[13] "total art" I an allusion to Richard Wagner's concept of the total an work
(Gesmtkumtwerk) (It. tr.).
22. Cf. Plato, The Republic, Book ro.
23. Schelling, Erster Entwurf eines Systems der Naturphilosophie. S. 5, Wlerke,
Abt. I, Vol. II, p. 623.
24. Ibid., p. 626.
[15] "twentieth century": allusion to Alfred Rosenberg's Der Mythos des
zwanzigsten jahrhunderts (1930).
[16] "the consolidated ... privileged" I 1944: "class domination."
25. Cf. E. Durkheim, "De quelques formes primitives de classification,"
L'Ann!e Sociologique, Vol. IV, 1903, pp. 66ff.
26. Cf. The New Srience of Giambattista Vico, trans. 3rd ed. Thomas Goddard
B:
rgin and Max Harold Fisch, New York 1961.
-
Notes to Pages q-30 257
[17] "industrial trusts" / 1944: "social upheaval caused by monopoly."
27. Huberr and Mauss, op. cit., p. n8.
28. C( Tonnies, Philosophische Terminologie," in Psychologisch-Soziologische
Amicht, Leipzig 1908, p. 31.
29. Hegel, Phenomenology, op. cit., p. 51.
[18] "value" I 1944: "word."
30. Edmund Husserl, The Crisis of European Sciences and Tramcendental
Phenomenology, an Introduction to Phenomenological Philosophy, trans. David Carr,
Evanston, 1970.
31. C( Schopenhauer, Parerga and Paralipomena, trans. E. F. J. Payne, Oxford
1974, Vol. II, §356, p. 610.
[20] "spirit-seer": C( note [6] . p. 255.
[21] "industrialism ... things." / 1944: "industry makes souls into things. The
rule of the monopolists, as of individual capitalists earlier, is not expressed directly
in the commands of the rulers."
[21] "The countless ... culture" / 1944: "Monopoly."
[22] "value" / 1944: "exchange value."
32. Spinoza, Ethics, trans. A. Boyle, London/New York 1948, Part IV, Propos.
XXII, Coroll.
[23] "merely an aid ... apparatus" I 1944: "an apparatus in the perpetuating
monopoly."
[23] "unitary knowledge": The "unity of knowledge" postulated by the Vienna
Circle, especially Neurath and Carnap.
[24] "pleasure": allusion to the National Socialist promotion of physical culture
for racial, genetic ends, which went hand in hand with the lifting of certain
taboos in the private sexual sphere ("Strength Through Joy," "Lebensborn e.V,"
ere. C( Friedrich Pollock, "Is National Socialism a New Order?" in Studies in
Philosophy and Social Science, Vol. IX, 1941, pp. 448(
[24] "The German ... self-contempt" / 1944: "Pleasure, which the neopagans
and administrators of war fever wanted to set free, has, on its way to totalitarian
emancipation, internalized meanness as self-contempt."
33· Homer, Odyssey, trans. E. V. Rieu (anrended), Harmondswonh 1965, p.
194·
34· Ibid.
35· Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit, op cit., p. u6.
[29] "society" / 1944: "class society."
[29] "rulers" [Lenker] / 1944: "those in control" [ Vnfogende).
[29] "of ... injustice" / 1944: "of exploitation."
[30] "of the cliques ... embodied" / 1944: "of monopoly, the last incarnation
of economic necessity."'
258 Notes to Pages 30-38
[30] "Intuitions," "dynamic worldview," "mission," and "fate" were common
terms in "educated" National Socialist jargon.
[30] "company chairmen" l 1944: "monopoly controllers."
[30] "of those still" I 1944: "the hands needed to operate the increasing ftxed
capital."
[30] "Poverty" I 1944: "Increasing misery."
[30 "the economy" l 1944: "capital."
[3o1 "rackets": Systems for extorting protection money; in a wider sense,
groups securing the system of power. Also see Editor's Afterword, pp. 233ff.
[311 "the reason of the reasonable" I 1944: "this."
[311 "industrialists ... This" I 1944: "those in power ... This twofold."
[31] "that thinking": Refers to the Marxian concept of the period of history
preceding the socialist society.
[311 "truth": The authors are paraphrasing the scholastic formulation: "verum
index sui et falsi" (It. tr.).
[321 "eternal": Cf. Marx, Capital A Critique of Political Economy, trans. David
Fernbach. Harmondsworth 1991, Vol. III.
[331 "unfettered technology'' I 1944: "the unfettered technical forces of production."

36. "The supreme question which confronts our generation today-the qu stion
to which all other problems are merely corollaries-is whether technology can
be brought under control ... Nobody can be sure of the formula by which this
end can be achieved ... We must draw on all the resources to which access can be
had ... " ( The Rockefeller Foundation. A Review for I943· New York 1944 pp. 33ff).
[331 Cf. note 2, p. 255.
EXCURSUS I
1. Nietzsche, Nachlass, Wfrke, Vol. XIV, Leipzig 1904, p. 206.
2. Ibid., Vol. XV, p. 235.
[371 "Borchardt": An earlier draft of the manuscript (Theodor W. Adorno Archiv)
contains a reference to Borchardt's afterword to his translation of the poems
of Pindar Pindarische Gedichte, Munich 1929l3o (private impression), pp. 99, 103,
and 93; cf. "Einleitung in das Verstandnis der Pindarischen Poesie," in Gesammelte
Wfrke, Prosa II, Stuttgart 1959, pp. 16rff.
3· Ibid. , Vol. IX, p. 289.
[371 "rational" l 1944l47: "more rational."
4· Holderlin, "Patmos," Poems and Fragments, trans. Michael Hamburger,
Cambridge and New York 1980, p. 463.
5· Direct evidence in support of this argument is found early in Book XX.
Odysseus notes, the ma'ids' nightly visits to the beds of the Suitors. "Odysseus'
.
Note to Page 38 259
gorge rose wimin him. Yet he was quite uncertain what to do and he debated
long. Should he dash after them and put them all to deam; or should he let mem
spend this one last night in the arms of their protligate lovers? The mought made
him snarl wim repressed fury, like a bitch that snarls and shows fight as she takes
her stand above her helpless puppies when a stranger comes by. So did Odysseus
groan to himself in sheer revolt at mese licentious ways. But in the end he brought
his fist down on his heart and called it to order. 'Patience, my heart!' he said. 'You
had a far more loamsome thing rhan this to put up with when the savage Cyclops
devoured those gallant men. And yet you managed to hold out, till cunning got
you clear of the cave where you had mought your end had come.' But though he
was able by such self-rebuke to quell all mutiny in his heart and steel it to endure,
Odysseus nevertheless could not help tossing to and fro on his bed ... " (The
Odyssey, op. cit., p. 304). The subject is not yet articulated to form a firm inner
identity. Affects, courage, the "hean" still rise up independently. "At the beginning
of mis episode, his heart, kradie or etor (the rwo words are synonyms for
"heart," 17.22), snarls and growls within him, and Odysseus beats his breast, that
is, his heart, and addresses it. His heart beats violently; this part of his body is stirring
against his will. That he speaks to it is not, therefore, a mere formal device,
as when hand or foot is addressed in Euripides to set mem in motion; his heart
acts autonomously" (Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Die Heimkehr des Odysseus, Berlin
1927, p. 189). The affect is equated with an animal which me human being is
subduing: The metaphor of rhe birch forms part of the same stratum of experience
as me metamorphosis of Odysseus's companions into swine. The subject, still
split and forced to do violence to nature both wimin himself and outside, "punishes"
his heart, compelling it to be patient and denying it direct satisfaction in
me present for me sake of a more distant future. Beating one's breast later became
a gesture of triumph: What the victor really expresses is that his victory is over his
own nature. The achievement is accomplished by self-preserving reason. " ... the
speaker moughr first of his wildly beating heart; his metis [cunning] , which is thus
seen a separate inner force, was able to master it, and saved Odysseus. Later philosophers
would have contrasted it as nus [mind] or logistikon [reasoning] to me
unreasoning parts of the body'' (Wilamowitz, op. cit., p. 190). But the "self"­
autos--is not mentioned until line 24, after the impulse has been successfully
mastered by reason. If rhe choice and sequence of me words are taken as evidence,
the identity-forming self is regarded by Homer as resulting from a mastery of
nature wimin me human being. This new self trembles inwardly, as a ming, the
body, when the heart within it is punished. At any rate, Wilamowitz's juxtaposing
of separately analyzed moments of the psyche, which often speak to each
other, seems to confirm rhe loose cohesion of the subject, whose substance consists
only in rhe coordination of these momenrs.
260 Notes to Pages 40-4I
6. In contrast w Nie£ZSche's materialistic interpretation, Klages understood
sacrifice and exchange entirely in terms of magic: "The general necessiry to offer
sacrifices affects everyone, because everyone, as has been seen, receives his or her
share of life, and all the goods oflife rhey can obtain-the original suum cuiqueonly
through the constant exchange of gifts. This, however, is not exchange in the
ordinary sense of exchanging goods (although at the very beginning that, too, was
consecrated by the idea of sacrifice) but of exchanging fluids or essences by abandoning
one's own soul to the supporting and nurturing life of the world" (Ludwig
Klages, Der Geist als Widersacher der Seele, Leipzig 1932, Vol. III, Part 2, p. 1409).
However, the twofold character of sacrifice-the magic self-abandonment of the
individual to the collective (in whatever form) and the self-preservation achieved
through the technology of this magic-implies an objective contradiction which
necessitates further development of the rational element in sacrifice. Still under
the influence of magic, rationaliry, as the behavior of the performer of the sacrifice,
becomes cunning. Klages himself, the zealous apologist of myth and sacrifice,
came up against this contradiction and found himself obliged, even within
the ideal image of Pelagianism, to distinguish between genuine and false communication
with nature. However, he was unable to derive from mythical thinking
itself any opposing principle to set against the illusion of the magical mastery
of nature, because that very illusion constitutes the essence of myth. "It is no
longer merely pagan belief but pagan superstition which compels rhe king of the
gods, on ascending his throne, to swear that henceforrh he will cause the sun to
shine and the field to be covered in fruits" ( Klages, op. cit. , p. 1408).
7· In keeping with this, human sacrifices in the literal sense do nor occur in
Homer. The epic's civilizing tendency is manifested in the selection of rhe incidents
narrated. "With one exception ... both Iliad and Odyssey are completely
expurgated of the abomination of Human Sacrifice" (Gilbert Murray, The Rise of
the Greek Epic, Oxford 1911, p. 150).
[40] "The representative character ... deiry." I 194+ "The idea of magic representation
implied in sacrifice, which he affirms, cannot be separated from the
victim's status as the elect. But rhis status results from the priests' transposition of
the victim to the heaven of the gods. An element of this projection, which elevates
rhe perishable person as the bearer of the divine substance, has always been
detectable in the ego, which owes its origin to projection. It bears the features of
rhe idolized victim: not without reason was Odysseus continually regarded as a
secularized dei ry.
"
S. Probably nor at the earliest stages. "The custom of human sacrifice ... is
:u more widespread among barbarous and half-civilized peoples than among true
savages, and it is hardly found at all at the lowest levels of culture. lr has been
observed that in some peoples rhis custom has become increasingly predominant
} .
Notes to Page 42 261
in the course of time" -on the Society Islands, in Polynesia, in India, among the
Aztecs. "With regard to Africa Winwood Read states that 'the mighcier the nation
the more prominent the custom of sacrifice"' ( Eduard Westermarck, Ursprung
und Entwicklung der Moralbegriffi, Leipzig 1913, Vol. I, p. 363).
9· Among cannibal peoples like those of West Africa, "neither women nor
adolescents ... were allowed to taste the delicacy" (Westermarck, op cit. , Leipzig
1909, Vol. II, p. 459).
10. Wilamowitz places nus in "sharp opposition" to logos ( Glaube der Hellenen,
Berlin I9JI, Vol. I, pp. 41f). For him myth is "a story one tells oneself," a fairy tale,
an untruth, but also, without distinction from that, rhe ultimate, undemonsrrable
rruth, as in Plato. While Wilamowitz is aware of the illusory character of
myths, he equates them with poetry. In other words, he looks for myths only in
significative language, which has already come into objective conrradicrion with
irs intention, and seeks to resolve it as poetry: "Myth is in the first place spoken
discourse; the words are indifferent to the content'' (ibid.). By hypostatizing this
late concept of myth, which presupposes reason as its explicit counterpart, he
arrives-in an implicit polemic against Bachofen, whom he dismisses as merely
fashionable without mentioning him by name-at a clear distinction between
mythology and religion (op. cit. , p. 5), whereby myth appears not as the older bur
the younger state: "I attempt . . . to trace the evolution, the transformations and
the transition from faith to myth" (op. cit. , p. r). The Hellenistic scholar's rigid
departmental arrogance blocks his perception of the dialectic of myth, religion,
and enlightenment: "I do not know the languages from which the currently modish
words 'taboo,' 'totem,' 'mana,' and 'orenda' are taken but consider it legitimate
to confine myself to the Greeks, and to think about Greek matters in Greek
terms" (op. cit. , p. ro). How his unexplained contention that "the germ of the
Platonic deity" was present "in the earliest Hellenic culture" is therefore to be reconciled
with the historical view, pur forward by Kirchhoff and taken over by
Wilamowirz, that the earliest core of the Odyssey is contained in the mythical
encounters of the nostos, remains unclear, just as the central concept of myth itself
lacks adequate philosophical articulation in Wilamowitz. Nevertheless, his opposition
to the irrationalism which idolizes myth and his insistence on the untruth
of myths reveal unmistakable insight. His repugnance for primitive thinking and
prehistory shows up all the more clearly the tension which has always existed
between the deceptive word and truth. The arbitrariness of fabrication which
Wilamowirz criticizes in later myths must already have been contained in the earliest
ones, by virtue of the pseudos [substitute] of sacrifice. This pseudos is related
to precisely the Platonic deity which Wilamowitz dates back to archaic Hellenism.
11. The conception of Christianity as a pagan sacrificial religion is fundamental
to Werner Hegcmann's r;rretuta Christus (Potsdam 192!1).
262 Notes to Pages 43-50
[43] "society's predicament" I 1944: "the predicament of the whole of class history."

12. For example, when he refrains from killing Polyphemus at once (IX, 302);
when he has ro endure the mistreatment of Aminous in order not to give himself
away (XVII, 46off). Also compare the episode of the winds (X, 5off) and Teiresias's
prophecy in the first visit to the Underworld (XI, 105ff), which makes his
homecoming dependent on mastery of his heart. To be sure, Odysseus's renunciation
is more a postponement than a final state; he usually performs the deeds of
vengeance all the more thoroughly for having delayed them; his endurance is
patience. His behavior still displays relatively openly, as a natural objective, something
which was later concealed in wtal, imperative renunciation, thereby taking
on the irresistible violence which subjug-ated everything natural. Through being
transposed inside the subject and emancipated from its mythical content, this
subjugation becomes "objective," confronting the special purposes of humans as
an independent entity and becoming the universal rational law. In Odysseus's
patience-quite clearly a.fi:er the death of the Suitors-vengeance is already turning
into j udicial procedure: the ultimate fulfillment of the mythical impulse becomes
the objective instrument of domination. Law is vengeance which is ·capable
of renunciation. Bur since this judicial patience is generated by something
outside itself, the longing for the homeland, it takes on human traits, almost a
quality of trust, which point beyond vengeance postponed. In fully developed
bourgeois society, however, both are annulled: with the idea of vengeance longing,
roo, is tabooed-thereby, of course, enthroning vengeance, mediated as the
self's revenge on itself.
13. Max Weber, Wirtschaftsgeschichte, Munich and Leipzig 1924, p. 3·
14. Vicwr Berard has strongly emphasized the Semitic element in the Odyssey,
though not without some apocryphal interpretation. Cf. the chapter "Les Pheniciens
et l'Odyssee" in La Resurrection d'Homere, Paris 1930, pp. mff.
[48] "capitalist economy" l 1944: "exploitation."
[48] "make use ... worker" I 1944: "have anyone to exploit."
[48] "entrepreneur" l 1944: "capitalist."
[48] "moral ... profit" I 1944: "moral justification for the plunder raked in by
the privileged."
[49] nostos: Greek: "journey," "homecoming."
15. Odyssey, Book IX, op. cit., p. 141.
16. Ibid. , p. 349·
'7· Ibid., p. 141.
18. Jacob Burckhardt, History of Greek Culture, trans. Palmer Hilty, London
1963, p. 180.
19. Odyssey, op. cit. , p.'· 141.
Notes to Pages 50-56 263
20. In Indian mythology Lotus is the earth goddess. (C£ Heinrich Zimmer,
Maja, Stungarr and Berlin 1936, pp. 105£) If there is a connection berween this
and the mythical tradition on which the old Homeric nostos is based, the
encounter with the Lotus-eaters might be characterized as a stage in the struggle
with the chthonic powers.
21. Odyssey, op. cit., p. 142.
22. According to Wilamowirz the Cyclopes are "really animals" (Glaube der
Hellenen, Vol. I, p. 14).
23. Odyssey, op. cit. , p. 148.
24· Ibid., p. 142.
25. Ibid.
26. Ibid., p. 150.
27. Ibid., p. 151 (adapted).
28. Ibid., p. 146.
29. Ibid., p. 146.
30. Ibid., p. 149·
31. "The mindless creature's frequent stupidities might be seen as a kind of
stillborn humor" (Klages, op. cit., p. 1469).
32. Odyssey, op. cit., p. 148.
33· Ibid., p. 16J.
34· Cf. ibid., p. 159. C£ F. C. Bauer, Symbolik und Mythologie, Stuttgart 1824,
Vol. I, p. 47·
35· Cf. Baudelaire, "Le vin du solitaire," Les Fleurs du Mal.
36. Cf. ]. A. K. Thomson, Studies in the Odyssey, Oxford 1914, p. 153.
37· Odyssey, op. cit. , p. 161.
38. Murray refers to the "sexual expurgations" to which the poems of Homer
were subjected while being edited (cf. op. cit. , pp. 141ff).
39· "Pigs arc in general the sacrificial animals of Demeter" (WilamowirzMoellendorff,
Der Glaube der Hellenen, Vol. II, p. 53).
40. Cf. Freud, Complete Psychological WOrks, trans. James Strachey, Vol. XXI,
London 1978, p. 99, fn. 1.
41. In a note Wilamowitz points to a surprising connection berwecn the
notions of snuffling and of noos, autonomous reason: "Schwyzer has very convincingly
linked noos to snoning and snuffling" (Wtlamowitz-Moellendorff, Die
Heimkehr des Odysseus, op. cit. , p. 191). Wilamowirz doubts, however, whether the
etymological relationship contributes to elucidating the meaning.
42. Odyssey, op. cit., p. r6r.
43· The consciousness of her irresistibility was later expressed in the cult of
Aphrodite Pcithon, "whose magic brooks no refusal" (Wilamowitz-Moellendorff,
Der Glaube der Hellmen, op. cit. , Vol. II, p. 152).
264 Notes to Pages s6-6o
[56] "Aeaea": Circe's island; old name for Colchis.
44· Odyssey, p. 164.
45· Ibid
46. Ibid, p. 166.
47· Ibid.
48. Cf. Bauer, op. cit., pp. 47, 49·
49· Odyssey, p. 343·
50. Goethe, WiUulm Meister's Years of Apprenticeship, trans. H. M. Waidson,
London 1977, p. 62.
51. Odyssey, p. 346.
[59] "Underworld": Greek: sacrifice offered for the dead; Greek title of Book
XI of the Odyssey.
52. Cf. Thomson, op. cit. , p. 28.
53· "My eyes filled wirh tears when I saw her there, and I was stirred to compassion.
Yet, deeply moved though I was, I would not allow her to approach the
blood out of turn, before I had had speech with Teiresias" (Odyssey, p. 173).
54· "I see the soul of my dead mother over there. She sits in silence by the
blood and cannot bring herself to look her own son in the face or say a single word
to him. Tell me, my prince, is there no way ro make her know that I am he" (ibid,
P· 175)?
55· "I cannot avoid believing that the whole ofBook XI, with the exception of
a few passages ... is a fragment of the old nostos and therefore of the oldest part
of the poem" (Kirchhoff, Die homerische Odyssee, Berlin 1879, p. 226).
56. Odyssey, p. 174·
57· He was originally the "husband of the earth" (cf. Wilamowitz, Glaube der
Hellenen, Vol. I, pp. 112ff) and only became the sea god at a late stage. Teiresias's
prophecy may be an allusion to his twofold nature. It is conceivable that his propitiation
by means of an eanhly sacrifice far from any sea implies a symbolic
restoration of his chthonic power. This restoration might reflect the superseding
of the sea voyage in search of booty by agriculture: The cults of Poseidon and
Demeter merged (cf. Thomson, op. cit., p. 96, fn).
58. Translated from Grimm, Kinder- und Hammiirchen, Leipzig n.d., p. 208.
Closely related motifs are passed down from antiquity, especially regarding Demeter.
"Demeter came to Eleusis in search of her daughter after she had been abducted
and was given lodging by Dysaules and his wife Baubo; hut in her great
sorrow she refused to touch food or drink. Thereupon her hostess Baubo made
her laugh· by suddenly lifting up her dress and exposing her body" (Freud,
Complt-te Psychological Works, Vol. XIV, London 1962, p. 338; cf. Salomon Reinach,
Cultrs, Mytlm et Religions,
, Paris 1912, Vol. IV, pp. II5ff).
l 6o] "
up ro now" I 1944: "throughout class history."
Notes to Pages 6I-JI 265
59· Holderlin, "Autumn," Poems and Fragments, op. cit., p. 595·
6o. Odyssey, p. 340.
61. Wilamowitz considers that the execution was "carried our with satisfaction
by the poet" (Die Heimkehr des Odysseus, op. cit., p. 67). Bur when the authoritarian
scholar enthuses over the simile of the snares, which "conveys the dangling
of the maids' corpses in an apt and modern way" (ibid., also cf. ibid. , p. 76), the
satisfaction appears to be largely his own. Wilamowitz's writings are among the
most striking documents of the German intermingling of barbarism and culture,
which is fundamental to modern Philhellenism.
62. Gilbert Murray draws attention to the consoling intention of this line.
According to his theory, scenes of torture have been expunged from Homer by
civilizing censorship. The deaths of Melanthios and the maids have been retained
(op. cit., p. 146).
EXCURSUS II
1. Kant, "An answer to the question: What is Enlightenment?" Practical
Philosophy, trans. Mary J. Gregor, Cambridge 1996, p. 17.
2. Immanuel Kant's Critique of Pure Reason, trans. Norman Kemp Smith,
London 1973, p. 533·
3· Ibid.
4· Ibid., p. 542.
5· Ibid., p. 534·
6. Ibid.
7· Ibid., p. 148.
8. Kant's Critique of judgment, trans. J. H. Bernard, London and New York
1892, p. 24·
9· Ibid., p. 25.
ro. Metaphysische Anfonge der Tugendlehre, Kants Werke. Akademie-Textausgabe,
Berlin 1968-, Vol. VI, p. 449·
84.
n. Spinoza, Ethics, trans. A. Boyle, London/New York 1948, Pt. III, Pref., p.
[67] ufascism" I 1944: "monopoly."
[68] [German text:] Leistungsfohigkeit I 1944: "efficiency."
12. Critique of Pure Reason, 2nd ed., op cit., p. 154·
[68] "is revealing ... form." I 1944: "monopoly is outgrowing itself in a fascistically
rationalized form."
13. Translated from de Sade, Histoire de juliette, Holland 1797, Vol. V, pp. 319f.
14. Ibid. , pp. 322f.
15. Ibid., p. 324-
[ 71] "economic system" I 1944: "capitalism."
266 Notes to Pages JI-79
[?I] "as ... individuals": An allusion to Marx's formulation in Capital (Marx,
Engels, Collected Works, Vol. 35, London 1996, p. 89).
[71] "industrial reason" I 1944: "monopoly and its reason."
[72] "system" I 1944/47: "system, the reason of capital."
16. E.g. Critique of PracticaL Reason, Kant, Practical Philosophy, trans. Mary J.
Gregor, Cambridge I996, p. 165.
17· Nouveaux Essais sur l'Entendement Humain, ed. Erdmann, Berlin 1840,
Book I, Ch. 11, § 9, p. 215.
18. Cf. Heinrich Mann's introduction co the Insel Verlag edition.
19. Metaphysische Anflinge der Tugmdlehre, op. cit., p. 408.
20. juliette, op. cit., vol. IV, p. 58.
21. Ibid., pp. 6o£
22. Spinoza, Ethics, Pt. IV, Prop. LIY, op. cit., p. 178.
23. Spinoza, ibid.
24. Metaphysische Anflinge der Tugmdlehre, op. cit., p. 408.
25. Ibid. , p. 409.
26. juliette, op. cit., Vol. II, p. n4.
[76] "bourgeois" / 1944: "bourgeois in democracy."
27. Ibid., Vol. III, p. 282.
28. Nietzsche, Umwertung aller Werte. Werke, Kroner, Vol. VIII, p. 213.
29. juliette, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 204.
30. E. Diihren pointed out this affinity in Neue Forschungm, Berlin 1904, pp.
453[£
31. Nietzsche, op. cit., Vol. VIII, p. 218.
32. juliette, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 315f.
33· Nietzsche, The Birth ofTragedy and The Gmealogy of Morals, trans. Francis
Golfflng, New York 1956, pp. 174.
34· juliette, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 300.
35· Histoire dejustine, Holland 1797, Vol. IV, p. 4 (also quoted by Diihren, op.
cit., p. 452).
36. Genealogy of Morals, op. cit., p. 178.
37· justine, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 7·
38. Nachlass, op. cit., Vol. XI, p. 214.
39· Genealogy of Morals, op. cit. , p. 258.
40. juliette, Vol. l, p. 2o8ff.
41. Ibid., pp. mf.
42. Beyond Good and Evil, uans. R. J. Hollingdale, London (Penguin Classics)
1990, P· 97·
43· Nt chlass, op. cit., ¥;ol. XII, p. 108.
44· juliette, opi cit. , Vol. I, p. 313.
Notes to Pages 79-87 267
45· Ethics, Pc. IV, Appendix, XVI, op. cit. , p. 194.
46. Ibid. , Pt. IV, Prop. L, Note, p. q6.
47· Ibid., Prop. L, p. 175.
48. juliette, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 125.
49· Ibid.
50. Nietzsche contra gner, op. cit. , Vol. VIII, p. 204.
51. juliette, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 313.
52. Ibid. , Vol. II, p. 216.
53· Beobachtungen uber das Gefohl des Schonen und Erhabenen, op. cit. , Vol. II,
pp. 215f.
54· Ibid.
55· Nachlass, op. cit., Vol. XI, pp. 227f.
56. Nietzsche, Thus Spoke Zarathurtra, trans. R. J. Hollingdale, Harmondsworth
1984, p. 189.
[81] "fascist masters" I 1944: "masters."
57· Genealogy of Morals, op. cit., p. 249.
[81] "Annie Henry": In 1940 she shot a man by whom she and a companion
had been taken for a walk, after having threatened him with a pistol and humiliated
him for hours; cf. Los Angeles Examiner, 29.11.1942.
58. juliette, op. cit. , Vol. Ill, pp. 78f.
59· Ibid., Vol. IV, pp. 126f.
6o. R. Caillois, "Theorie de la fete," Nouvelle Revue Franraise, Jan. 1940, p. 49·
6r. Cf. ibid.
62. Cf. ibid., pp. 58f.
[83] "Benzedrine": A strong stimulant administered by the Nazi commanders
co their troops (It. cr.).
63. Nachlass, op. cit., Vol. XII, p. 364.
[84] "appeased ... industry" I 1944: "hypostatized as an accomplished reconciliation.
Under monopoly."
[84] "system ... industry" I 1944: "monopoly."
[84] "white crash"; derogatory expression for white workers.
64- juliette, op. cit. , Vol. II, pp. 81f.
65. Ibid., Vol. III, pp. 172f.
66. Ibid., pp. I?6f.
67. Private edition by Hdpey, p. 267.
68. Juliette, op. cit., Vol. Ill, pp. 176f.
69. Ibid., pp. 178£
70. Ibid., pp. r88-99.
71. juliette, op. cit. , Vol. IV, p. 261.
72. Ibid. , Vol. II. p. 273.
268 Notes to Pages 88-94
73- Ibid., Vol. IY, p. 379·
74· Aline et Valcour, Brussels 1883. VoL I, p. 58.
75· Ibid. , p. 57·
76. Victor Hugo, The Laughing Man, Book VIII, Ch. 7·
77· juliette, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 199·
78. Cf. Les r2o journees de Sodome, Paris 1935, Vol. II, p. 308.
79· Der Fall gner, op. cit., Vol. VIII, p. 10.
So. R. Briffault, The Mothers, New York 1927, Vol. I, p. 119.
[89] "German fascism" I 1944: "rhe class society."
81. Nachlass, op. cit. , Vol. XI, p. 216.
82. Ibid., vol. XIV, p. 273.
83. Kant, Practical Philosophy, trans. Mary J. Gregor, Cambridge 1996, p. 82.
84. Niensche, joyfol Wisdom, trans. Thomas Common, New York 1973, p.
279·
85. Ibid.
86. Cf. Nietzsche, Nachlass, op. cit., Vol. XI, p. 216.
87. Cf. Le Play, Les ouvriers europeens, Paris 1879, Vol. I, esp. pp. 133ff.
88. juLiette, op. cit., Vol. IV, pp. 303ff.
89. Les I2o journees de Sodome, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 72.
90. Cf. juliette, op. cit. , Vol. II, p. 235, n.
91. La Philosophie dans le Boudoir, op. cit., p. 185.
92. Cf. Democritus, Diels Fragment 278, Berlin 1912, Vol. II, pp. u7f.
93· La Philosophie dans le Boudoir, op. cit., p. 242.
94· S. Reinach, "La prohibition de l'inceste et le sentiment de Ia pudeur," in
Cultes, Mythes et Religions, Paris 1905, Vol. I, p. 157.
95· La Philosophie dans le Boudoir, op. cit., p. 238.
96. Ibid., pp. 238-49.
97· Ibid.
98. juliette, op. cit., Vol. IV, pp. 24o-44.
99· La Philosophie da11s le Boudoir, op. cit., p. 263.
100. Aline et Valcour, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 18rff.
101. juliette, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 181ff.
[92] "prehistory": Cf. note [31], p. 258 ("rhat thinking").
102. Nierzsche, joyful Wisdom, trans. Thomas Common, New York 1973, p.
209.
THE CULTU RE IND U STRY
[94] "The" I 1944: "The German and Russian pavilions at the Paris World
ExposiLion (of 1937, Ed.)
,
seemed of rhe same essence, and rhe."
I<J41 "d1c ror al power Of capiral" I 1944: "monopoly. " ,
Notes to Pages 95-III 269
[95] "rhose whose ... strongest" I 1944: "capital."
[95] "economy today" I 1944: "profit economy."
[96] "Soap operas": alludes to the fact that such programs were originally
broadcast at rimes when housewives were at home doing their washing (It. tr.).
[96] "selection" I 1944: "selection. The operations of the large studios, including
the quality of rhe highly paid human material populating them, is a product
of rhe monopoly system into which it is integrated."
[96] "subjected ... purges" I 1944: "expropriated even before fascism."
[98] "at film" l 1944: "at rhe film monopoly."
[98] "agencies ... business" I 1944: "monopolistic agencies."
[roo] "industrial society" I 1944: "the machinery."
[roo] "gigantic economic machinery" I 1944: "gigantic machinery of monopoly."

[101] "rolerated" I 1944: "tolerated, used by monopoly."
1. Nierzsche, Unzeitgemiisse Betrachtungen. rke, Leipzig 1917, Vol. I, p. 187.
[ro2] "Zanuck": Film producer, cofounder of 2oth Century Pictures.
[104] "present society" I 1944: "monopoly society."
[105] "Pathe": French film magnates.
[ro5] "Hugenberg": Founders of German publishing combines.
2. A. de Tocqueville, De La Dlmocratie en Amerique, Paris 1864, Vol. II, p. 151.
[ro6] "Hays Office": Voluntary censorship agency (Jr. tr.), ser up in 1934 in
Hollywood.
[ro6] "Mickey Rooney": See note [126] , p. 271.
[107] "ready-ro-wear trade or" I 1944: "Jewish clothing trade or the Episcopal."

[ro7] "some omnipresent agency" I 1944: "a Rockefeller Institute, only slightly
more omnipresent rhan the one in Radio City,"-"Radio City": the name given
since rhe early 1930s to a part of the Rockefeller Center in New York containing
several theatres, radio studios, and the Radio City Music Hall.
[w7] "Casino de Paris": Music hall in Paris, famous for its luxurious furnishmgs.

[107] "society" I 1944: "class society."
[roB] "Lombardo": Orchestra leader especially known for his annual musical
broadcasts on New Year's Eve.
[109] "novelty songs": Hit songs with comic elements.
[no] "cruelty" I 1944: "lust for murder."
[no] "of the" I 1944: "of the kiss, but not of the."
[m] " ... overwhelming": The idea expressed here dates from a time when
television was nor in widespread use (It. tr.).
[m] "possibilities" I 1944: "productive forces."
270 Notes to Pages III-I2I
[III] "culture industry" I 1944: "mass culrure."
[m] "Hays Office": See note [106] , p. 269.
[ru] "Laughter ... ended": On this twofold function of laughter cf. pp. 6of
(It. rr.).
[112] "res ... gaudium": Seneca, Letter 23; letters ro Lucilius (Letters from a
Stoic, trans. Robin Campbell, Harmondsworrh 1969).
[u3] "constitutes irs essence": C£ Adorno, "Ober Jazz" (1937), in Gesammelte
Schriften, Vol. 17, Frankfurt am Main 1982, p. 98.
[u3] "the system" l 1944: "prevailing in monopolistic sociery."
[u4] "funnies": Amusement pages in newspapers with jokes and comic strips.
[n4] "Ludwig": Primarily a writer of popular biographies.
[u4] "Mrs. Miniver": Leading role in a radio family serial; also filmed.
[u4] "Lone Ranger": Title figure in a radio western serial, the rype of the lone
cowboy fighting for the good; also fumed.
[u4] "Lombardo": See note [108], p. 269.
3· Frank Wedekind, Gesammelte 'Werke, Munich I921, Vol. IX, p. 426.
[us] "women's serials": Light novels in women's magazines.
[us] "Adler": Neo-Thomist popular philosopher who defended film with arguments
from scholastic philosophy (Ir. tr.)-Cf. Horkheimer, "Neue Kunst und
Massenkulrur," in Gesammelte Schriften, Vol. 4·
[n6] "the culture industry" I r944: "the monopoly system."
[117] "planning" I r944: "monopoly planning."
[II?] "life has been transformed" I 1944: "monopoly has transformed life."
[II?] "those in control" I 1944: "monopoly."
[u8] "Industry" I 1944: "Monopoly."
[n8] "proof": A play on the various philosophical-theological (ontological,
cosmological, etc.) proofs of the existence of God.
[rw] "giant corporation" I 1944: "monopoly."
[rw] "the thinking subject" I 1944: "liberalism."
[120] Hans Sonnenstofers Hollenfohrt. Ein heiteres Traumspie/. Radio play by
Paul Apel (1931), revised version by Gustaf Griindgens (r937).
[120] "Life with Father": Popular American radio family serial after a stage play
by Clarence Day.
[120] "the latest society" I 1944: "monopoly sociery."
[uoj "Formal freedom ... answer officially" I 1944: "Bourgeois democracy
guarantees formal freedom for everyone. No one is officially responsible to the
govern men£."
[ 120] "Dagwood": Character in rhe comic strip Blondie.
[m] "established" I 1944: "established by monopoly."
[ 1 21 ] "leaders of inc;lusrry" l 1944: "monopolists."
Notes to Pages 121-1p 271
[121] "provision" l 1944: "provision by the monopoly."
[121] "winter aid": Wintn-hilfiwerk: National Socialist organization to support
the unemployed and other needy persons under the direction of the Ministry of
Propaganda.
[122] "even now" I 1944: "even under monopoly."
[123] "women's serial": See note [115], p. 270.
[123] "the pressure of the system" I 1944: "monopoly."
[124] "the system" I 1944: "monopoly."
4- Nietzsche, Gotzendiimmerung, Wt>rke, op. cit., Vol. VIII, p. 136.
[124] "those in command" I 1944: "monopoly."
[125] "bourgeois" I 1944: "German bourgeois."
[126] "Mature ... Rooney": Well-known film actors, embodiments of the
hero and the antihero.
[126] "cultural conglomerate" I 1944: "cultural conglomerate and monopoly."
[126] "Something ... everyone" I 1944: "Monopoly serves up something for
everyone."
[127] "The ... purpose": C£ Kant, Critique of judgment, op. cit., p. 68.
[128] "inner ... commodities" I 1944: "composition of cultural commodities
in terms of use value and exchange value."
[128] "What ... replaced" I 1944: "Use value is being replaced in the reception
of cultural assets."
[128] "The consumer ... escape." I 1944: (missing).
[128] "Mrs. Miniver": See note [u4], p. 270.
[128] "deception" I 1944: "swindle."
[129] "the commercial radio system" I 1944: "broadcasting."
[129] "rhe sovereign whole" l 1944: "monopoly as the sovereign whole."
[129] "combines" I 1944: "monopolies."
[129] "invented by the sociology of religion": Allusion to Max Weber's concept
of charismatic authority; c£ Economy and Society, Vol. I, ed. Guenther Roth and
Claus Wirrich, Berkeley 1978, pp. 241ff.
[130] "Even ... use value" l 1944: "Use value."
[130] "screenos": Bingo games played by the audience between pictures.
[130] "radio": Television was still in its infancy when the authors were writing
(It. rr.).
[131] "the Warner brothers": Owners of large film studios.
[131] "hopes" I 1944: "waits."
[131] "labor time ... in advertising" I 1944: "social labor time, but saved ir.
Today, when the free market is at an end, monopoly is entrenching itself in advertising."

[131] "rhc combines" I 1944: "monopoly."
272 Notes to Pages IJI-I44
[1311 "wielders of influence ... economic councils" I 1944: "class remains
among its peers, as a preliminary form of the resolutions of economic councils of
industrialists."
[1321 "It benefits ... names." I 1944: "Irs termination by an individual firm
represents only a loss of prestige, in fact an offence against the class discipline
which monopoly imposes on its members. In wartime, commodities which can
no longer be supplied continue to be advertised merely in order to keep the institution,
and naturally also the war economy, in operation."
[1321 "the big companies" I 1944: "monopoly, the skyscrapers of Wrigley and
Rockefeller."
[1331 "blackshin": A term for fascists, after the black shirts of their uniforms,
especially in Italy bur also in other countries.
[134] "people" / 1944: "people, which still determines life in monopoly society."
[1351 "Schriftleiter": The term Schriftleiter [lit. director of writing] was preferred
by the National Socialists to the "foreign" word Reddkteur (It. rr.).
[135] "such language" I 1944: "rhe language of monopoly."
[136] "false." l 1944/47= "false." After paragraph break: "(to be continued)."
ELEM E NTS OF ANTI -SEMITISM
[137] "Now that ... reasons," I 1944: "In the age when political domination
is obsolete."
[137] "workers" I 1944: "proletarians."
[1371 "appropriation" I 1944: "exploitation."
[138] "discl1arged." / 1944: "discharged. That would be the classless society."
[138] "existing society" / 1944: "the class society."
[138] "the existing order" / 1944: "capitalism."
[1391 "that order" I 1944: "class society."
[139] "The respectable ... disreputable ones" I 1944: "Monopoly, the
respectable rackets, condone it, and the fascists, the disreputable ones."
[140] "vagrants" / 1944: "Negroes, Mexican wrestling clubs."
[1421 "take possession of" / 1944: "appropriate."
[142] "parasites of old": Allusion to the Nazis' anticapitalist propaganda distinction
between "productive" [schaff md] and "parasitic" [raff end; lit. "grasping"]
capital, i.e., between industrial and bank capital; cf. Franz Neumann, Behemoth
(1942), Frankfurt/Main 1977, p. 376.
[142] "of the economic system in general" / 1944: "of all capital."
[142] · "what is withheld" I 1944: "what capital withholds."
[143] "society" / 1944: "class."
[144] "knights of industry ... creators" / 1944: "capitalist bloodsucker who has
to j
stify himself as a creator."
Notes to Pagt•s l4.f-11f q I
[r441 "salvation." I 1944/47: "salvation, now that the churd1cs have ht:l"ll
reduced entirely to the function of social control."
[1451 "German Christians": The Protestant movement "Deutsche Christen"
sought a union between Church and National Socialism.
[1481 "recognition in a concept": Kant, Critique of Pure Reason, op. cit. , pp.
79ff [B 103].
r. Cf. Freud, "The Uncanny," The Complete PsychollJgical Works, op. cit., Vol.
XVII, pp. zr9ff.
[rsz1 "Coughlin": Charles Edward Coughlin, Catholic priest, demagogic antiSemitic
radio preacher.
z. Kant's Critique of Pure Reason, op. cit. , p. 183 [B 18of1 .
[160] "any ... country" I 1944: "even lynching."
3· Freud, Totem and Taboo, op. cit., Vol. XIII, p. 73·
[163] "culture industry'' l 1944: "economic and culrural monopoly."
[164] "big industry" l 1944: "monopoly."
[164] "workers" I 1944: "proletarians."
[r6s] "until now" I 1944: "in liberalism."
[1651 " ... turning-point of history": Allusion to Marx's "Zur Judenfrage," in
Aus den Deutsch-Franziisischen ]ahrbuchern 1843/44.
[r6s] "VII": The whole of section VII ("But ... of enlightenment.") was not
contained in the 1944 edition.
[165] "the Ahlwardrs and the Kniippelkunzes": Hermann Ahlwardt: author of
anti-Semitic pamphlets, Reichstag deputy at the end of the nineteenth century;
for years his appearances were accompanied by uproar and scandal.
Hermann Kunze: teacher at rhe Cadet School, Chairman of the OeutschSoziale
Partei, anti-Semitic demagogue; his nickname [Knuppel; stick, cudgel]
resulted from the frequent brawls at his meetings.
[166] "ricket": single list of a parry's candidates in the American electoral system.

[166] "Jew-free": From the National Socialist termjudenrein.
[1671 " ... without mediation": Allusion to Kant's proposition: "Thoughts
without content are empty, intuitions without concepts are blind," Critique of
Pure Reason, op. cit., p. 93 [A 51].
N OTES AND S KETCHES
[1731 "Chamberlain ... Bad Godesberg": Chamberlain met Hider three times
in September 1938; the second meeting rook place in Bad Godesberg.
[175] "In this country": In America [It. tr.].
[175] "Spoke ... loneliness": Translated from Die chinesische Flote, Nachdichtungcn
von H ans Bcrhgc. l nsci-BUchcrei, p. 17 [ It. tr.] .
274 Notes to Pages I7J-I87
1. Paul Deussen, Sechzig Upanishad's des Vetk. Leipzig 1905, p. 524·
2. Matthew 2, I7-19. [I think it should be ch. u-tr.]
3· Above all Brhad-aranyaka Upanishad 3, 5, 1 and 4, 4, 22. Deussen, op. cit.,
pp. 436f and 479f.
4· Op. cit., p. 436.
5· Mark, I, 6.
6. Translated from Vorlesungen iiber die Geschichte der Philosophic, Vol. 2,
rke, Vol. XIV, pp. I59f.
7· Ibid., p. I68.
8. Cf. Deussen, op. cit., p. 373·
9· Cf. Eduard Meyer, Ursprung und Anfonge des Christentums, Stuttgart/Berlin
1921, Vol. I, p. 90.
10. Diogenes Laertius, IV, I5.
n. Cf. Politeia, 372; Politikos, 267ff and Eduard Zeller, Die Philosophic der
Griechen, Leipzig 1922, Part 2, Section I, pp. 325f note.
12. Cf. Deussen, Das System des Vetknta, Leipzig 1906, 2nd ed., pp. 63ff.
13. Hermann Oldenberg, Buddha, Sturtgart!Berlin 1914, pp. 174f.
14. Ibid., p. 386.
15. Ibid., pp. 393f.
16. Cf. ibid., pp. 184ff and pp. 424ff.
[180] "Soirees de Petersbourg': Joseph de Maistre, Les Soirees de Saint Petersbourg
(1821).
[x8o] "circles of Hell": Allusion to Dante's Divine Comedy, Inferno III, 4ff (It.
tr.).
[x8o] "Animal psychology": In the 1944 edition this entry comes directly afrer
"Against knowingness."
[185] "Economic ... forms" I 1944: "Relations of production, forms of class
domination, culture."
[185] "troglodyte": Paleolithic cave dweller.
[x86] "dictum": Cf. Marx, Die deutrche Ideologie, in Marx-Engels rke, Vol. 3,
Berlin 1969, pp. 34f.
[x86] "The poor figure ... them": Cf. Marx, Engels, Die Heilige Familie, in
Marx-Engels Werke, Vol. 2, Berlin 1958, p. 85; also Marx, "Zur Kritik der Hegelschen
Rechtsphilosophie," in Marx-Engels werke, Vol. I, Berlin 1957· pp. 385f.
[187] "Blum government": Popular front government 1936-37, introduced
extensi.ve social reforms.
[187] "From a theory of the criminal": Cf. the full text, 'Theorie des Verbrechers,"
in Gesammelte Schriften, Vol. 12, Frankfurt/Main 1985, pp. z66ff.
[187] "rising ... labpr power" I 1944: "a regular need for labor power, increased
prgducrion." · '
Notes lo l't gcJ 1.\'7-207 275
q. Leibniz, The Monadology and Other Philosophical Writings, trans. Robert
Lana, Oxford 1925, § 7, pp. 219f.
18. Cf. ibid., § 51.
19. Cf. R. Caillois, Le Mythe et !'Homme, Paris 1938, pp. 125ff.
[19ol "fascism" I 1944: "monopoly."
[19ol "state" I 1944: "order."
[191l "executioner: each operation ... forgening." I 1944: "executioner. But
that is nor to say enough. Is not death the radical loss of the 'residual capacity of
the nerve substance'? Life would not be a dream bur a narcosis. We would behave
toward other people, not to mention all other creatures, as, in Flourens's view, the
patient behaves towards the interval when he or she was under the influence of
the drug: deludedly. The narcosis acts like the principium individuationis. The
positivists, however, could learn from this how far they have advanced with their
science: their nore taking would be limited in principle to the postnarcotic period.
It would be the utterance of a life which had forgotten itself under the influence
of narcotics, or rather of death, from which one can remember nothing.
They would, in their thing-language, have "mortificated" it. Reality would be lefr
to metaphysics and to antiquated French physiologists. Admittedly, a test of the
objective justification of such speculations would call for a discriminating analysis
of Schopenhauer's notion, which still contributes too much to Flourens's positivism."

[195l "The 'tragic' world-view of the fascists": An allusion to the vulgarized
reception of Nietzsche by some National Socialist authors in the early 1930s.
[197l "Chaplin's film": The Great Dictator (1940).
20. Translated from Die Nachsokratiker, ed. Wilhelm Nestle, Jena 1923, Vol. I.
72a, p. 195.
[198] "big business" I 1944: "monopoly."
[2o3l "praxis." I 1944: "praxis. In Europe there is now harlliy a country in
which one would not be shot for a slip of the tongue."
[203] "The proposition ... the whole": Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit, op.
cit., p. n.
[204l "today" I 1944: "under monopoly."
[205) "flux" I 1944: "transience."
[206) 'The man ... strive": Allusion to Schiller's poem, "Das Lied von der
Glocke."
21. Cf. Eclaircissement sur les Sacrifices. Oeuvres, Lyon 1892, Vol. V, pp. 322f.
[207l "universal" I 1944: "monopolistic."
[207] "completely ... domination" I 1944: "system of big rackets."
[207] "In Germany ... reason": Cf. note [24] , p. 257 ("pleasure").
[207] "present'" I IIJ·H: "f:tscisr present, in which she no longer needs meta-
276 Notes to Pages 209-222
phorically to put on mannish trousers because she is already in desexualized
slacks, machining bombs."
[209] "culture industry" I 1944: "mass culture."
[210] "fascist collective" I 1944: "collective of the totalitarian monopoly."
22. ]oyfol Wzsdom, op. cit., p. 136.
[2n] "Hearst": William Randolph Hearst, founder of the USA's largest press
conglomerate.
[211] "baseless" I 1944: "baseless; on this Heidegger and Lukacs agree."
23. Goethe, Faust, Part I, 4068.
24. Cf. Karl Landauer, "Intelligenz und Dummheit," in Das Psychoanalytische
Volksbuch, Bern 1939, p. 172.
EDITOR'S AFTE RWO RD
r. P. xiv of this edition.
2. P. xviii of this edition.
3· P. I of this edition.
4· P. xi of this edition.
5· Max-Horkheimer Archiv der Stadt- und Universiratsbibliothek Frankfun
am Main (abbreviated henceforth to MHA): VI rD.zro.
6. Published in Horkheimer, Gesammelte Schriften, Vol. 12, Frankfun am
Main 1985.
7· MHA: VI 1D.66--The declaration was to be issued in connection with the
publication of essays by both authors in the periodical Der Monat. As contributions
by Horkheimer, "Vernunft und Selbsrerhaltung" [Engl.: "The End of Reason,"
see n. 24, Afterword], · urorirat und Familie in der Gegenwart" [Engl.:
· uthorirarianism and the Family Today," in The Family: Its Function and Destiny,
cd. R. N. Anshen, New York 1949, pp. 359-374], or a section from Eclipse of
Reason (Oxford 1947) were considered (cf. MHA: VI 1 D.r58, 16rA). However,
Horkhcimer then withdrew his permission. The joint declaration, too, was nor
published. The reasons for rhis emerge only parcly from the correspondence
berween Horkheirner and Adorno. They have to do, above all, with misgivings
about a further political declaration which was to be combined with this first one.
However, there is no reason to assume that the rwo authors were unwilling to
endorse the content and formulation of the first declaration.
8. MHA: XI 6.86.
9· My thanks go to Rolf Tiedemann for information on the content of
Adorno's posthumous papers here and elsewhere.
10. MHA: XI 6.2.
II. MHA: XI 6.3.
12. MHA: XI fi+
Notes to Pages 223-227 277
13. I1 is to be found under rhe ride "Das Schema der Massenkulrur" as an appendix
:o Dialektik der Aujklitrung in Theodor W Adorno, Gesammelte Schrifien,
Vol. 3, Frankfurt am Main 1981, pp. 299fT.
14. MHA: X 17.1-17.
15. Published in Horkheimer, Gesammelte Schrifien, Vol. 12, pp. 587ff.
16. MHA: XI 6.64.
17. MHA: XI 6.65.
r8. MHA: XI 6.5-no; XI 6a.1-3: XI 7a.3-5.
19. Now published in Horkhcimer, Gesammelte Schrifien, Vol. 12. The designation
Fragments, which Dialectic of Enlightenment bears as irs subtitle (and as its
main ri e in the original version of 1944), therefore has not only the metaphorical
meaning of a kind of thinking opposed to the compulsion of a system bur also
the liteiai meaning that the printed version does not include everything initially
written for it. Adorno also wanted to include The Philosophy of Modem Music as
an excursus for Dialectic of Enlightenment; cf. Adorno, Gesammelte Schriften Vol.
12, Frankfurt am Main 1975, p. u.
20. MHA: XI 6.43-62.
21. ]iirgen Habermas, "Bemerkungen zur Emwicklung des Horkheimerschen
Werkes." in Max Horkheimer heute: rk und Wirkung, ed. Alfred Schmidt and
Norbert Alrwicker, Frankfurt am Main 1986, p. 171.
22. Verbal communication to the Ediwr on 22.10.1985.
23. Cf. p. xix of this edition.
24· 'The Authoritarian Stare," tr. The People's Translation Service, Berkeley,
in The Essential Frankfurt School Reader, ed. Andrew Arato and Eike Gebhardt,
pp. 95-n7, New York 1982; German: "Auwritarer Staat," in Gesammelte
Schriften, Vol. 5, Frankfurt am Main 1987, pp. 293ff; "The End of Reason," The
Essential Frankfort School Reader, op. cit., pp. 26-48; German: ."Vernunft und
Selbste!halrung," in Gesammelte Schriften, Vol. 5, Frankfurt am Main 1987, pp.
320ff.
25. Theodor W Adorno, Ober Walter Benjamin, Frankfurt am Main 1970, p.
143. The straightforward identification by the ediwr of that volume, Rolf Tiedemann,
of the "book on the dialectic" mentioned in the letter with the later book
Dialectic of Enlightenment, seems to me questionable, especially in the light of the
memorandum about to be cited.
26. 'Idee, Aktivitat und Programm des Instituts fiir Sozialforschung," m
Horkheimer, Gesammelte Schrifien, Vol. 12, Frankfurt am Main 1985, pp. 156f.
27. MHA: VI 33.62-63.
28. Cf. Adorno, "Die Akrualitar der Philosophic" (1931), in Gesammelte
Schrifierl, Vol. 1, Frankfurt am Main 1973·
29. Cf. Horkhcimcr, Adorno, " Diskussion tiber die Differenz zwischen Posi-
278 Notes to Pages 227-233
tivismus und materialistischer Dialektik," in Horkheimer, Gesammelte Schriften,
Vol. 12, pp. 467ff.
30. P. xiv of this edition.
31. Cf. Horkheimer uVenrauen auf Geschichte," in Gesammelte Schriften, Vol.
12, op. cit. Also compare the more detailed interpretation in Gunzelin Schmid
Noerr, uWahrheit, Macht und die Sprache der Philosophic. Zu Horkheimers
sprachphilosophischen Reflexionen in seinen nachgelassenen Schriften zwischen
1939 und 1946," in Max Horkheimer heute: 1.\lerk und Wirkung, op. cit.
32. Cf. Martin Jay, Dialektische Phantasie, Frankfurt am Main 1973, pp. 125ff,
and Wolfgang BonB, uPsychoanalyse als Wissenschaft und Kritik. Zur Freudrezeption
der Frankfurter Schute," in Sozialforschung als Kritik, ed. Wolfgang
Bong and Axel, Honneth, Frankfurt am Main 1982, esp. pp. 391ff.
33· Erich Fromm, uOber Methode und Aufgabe einer analytischen Sozialpsychologie,"
in Zeitschrift for Sozialforschung, Vol. I, 1932, p. 50.
34· Paris 1936.
35· Cf. Horkheimer, uErnst Simmel und die Freudsche Philosophic," Gesammelte
Schriften, Vol. 5, Frankfurt am Main 1987, pp. 396ff.
36. Horkheimer, Adorno, uDiskussionen tiber die Differenz zwischen Positivismus
und materialistischer Dialektik," in Horkheimer, Gesammeite Schriftm, Vol.
12, csp. pp. 433-451; uDiskussionen tiber Sprache und Erkenmnis, Narurbehcrrschung
am Menschen, politische Aspekte des Marxismus," ibid., pp. 51o-512.
37· Horkheimer, Adorno, "Diskussionen tiber die Differenz zwischen Positivismus
und materialistischer Dialektik," op. cit., p. 443·
38. Ibid.
39· P. xviii of this edition.
40. I I 54 of this edition.
41. New York 1949-50; one of these volumes is The Authoritarian Personality
( New York 1950), written by Adorno, Else Frenkel-Brunswick, Daniel J. Levinson,
and R. Nevitt Sanford, mentioned by Adorno and in the following quotation.
42. Adorno, "Wissenscha.ftliche Erfahrungen in Amerika," in Gesammelte
SdJr ften, Vol. 10.2, Frankfurt am Main 1977, pp. 721-723.
43· Martin Jay discusses this in more detail in uThe Frankfurt School in
1-:xilc," in Perspectives in American History, Vol. VI, pp. 348-355.
44· P. xix of this edition.
45· Cf. especially Pollock, "State Capitalism," in Studies of Philosophy and Social
Scimce IX, 1941, and "Is National Socialism a New Order?" ibid. Horkheimcr
himself explains rhis concept in his essay uThe Authoritarian State" [see n. 24,
Afterword].
4(i. "Aufzeichnungcn und E':ltwtirfc zur Dialektik der Aufkliinmg 1939-1942,"
in {,'mtmmrlte Schr ften: Vol. 12, op. cit., p. 287.
Notes to Pages 235-240 279
47· "Zur Ideologic der Politik heute (Fragment)," in Gesammelte Schriften,
Vol. 12, op. cit., pp. 317f.
48. "Zur Soziologie der Klassenverhaltnisse," in Gesammelte Schriften, Vol. 12,
op. cit., pp. 101-104. That Horkheimer's theory of rackets, which, in the end, was
developed to only a rudimentary level, aimed to go far beyond a sociological
analysis in the narrower sense becomes clear from an analogy with his reflections
on linguistic philosophy mentioned earlier. In an essay of 1946 he described the
function of the concept on the basis of the racket model, protection in exchange
for oppression: "In the concept fuJfillment is inseparable from suffering. Its fixity
only faithfully reflects the society which serves life by oppressing it, which develops
human beings by mutilating them and knows of homeland only as the protection
which suppresses the protected." ("Venrauen auf Geschichte," in Gesammelte
Schriften, Vol. 12, op cit., p. 124).
49· "Reflexionen zur Klassentheorie" (1942), in Adorno, Gesammelte Schriften,
Vol. 8, Frankfun am Main 1972.
50. Cf. Horkheimer, "Zur Soziologie der Klassenverhaltnisse," op. cit., pp.
75ff.
51. P. xiv of this edition.
52. P. 207 of this edition.
53· P. 94 of this edition.
54· P. 132 of this edition.
55· P. xv of this edition.
56. E.g., p. 209 of this edition.
57· E.g., p. 67 and p. 89 of this edition.
58. E.g., p. 76 and p. no of this edition.
59· P. 107 and p. 144 of this edition.
6o. P. 137 of this edition.
61. P. 48 of this edition.
62. P. 6o of this edition.
63. P. xvii of this edition.
64. For example, in a note written probably in the early 1930s and at any rate
not later than 1935, Horkheimer writes of the "independence of the revolutionary
fighter" (MHA: XI 1 6.¥, p. 5). The nore was incorporated in "Bemerkungen zur
philosophischen Anthropologie," published in 1935, where, however, he writes of
the "independence of the person who pursues this goal [of a free humanity]"
(ilitschrift for Sozialforschrmg, Vol. IV, 1935, p. 16).
65. According to a verbal communication to the Editor from Rudolph Hirsch
in November 1983.
66. P. xv of this edition.
67. P. xv of rhis edition.
280 Notes to Pages 240-246
68. The original main ririe of the book was Philosophical Fragments.
69. MHA: XI 6.65.
70. Cf. "Reason and Self-Preservation," op. cit.
71. Cf. "Zur Ideologic der Politik heute ( Fragment)," in Gesammelte Schriften,
Vol. 12, op. cit., pp. 316ff. This text reads like a critique of a posirivistically abbreviated
reading of Pollock's theory of state capitalism.
72. E.g., p. 131 of this edition.
73· P. 207 of this edition.
74· Horkheimer, Adorno, "Rettung der Aufklarung. Diskussion tiber cine
geplante Schrift zur Dialekrik" (1946), in Horkheimer, Gesammelte Schriften, Vol.
12, op. cit., pp. 597-599·
75· Ibid., p. 6oo.
76. Ibid., p. 6o4.
77· Ibid., pp. 594, 598.
78. Ibid., p. 601.
79· Ibid., p. 6o2.
So. Cf. The Editor's Afterword to Vols. 7 and 8 of Horkheimer's Gesammelte
Schriften, in Vol. 8, esp. pp. 461-465.
81. C£ e.g., "Kritische Theorie gestem und heute" (1969/72), in Gesammelte
Schriften, Vol. 8, Frankfurt am Main 1985, p. 353; "Pessimismus heute" (1971), in
Gesammelte Schriften, Vol. 7, Frankfurt am Main 1985, p. 232; "Das Schlirnme
erwarten und doch das Gute versuchen. Gesprach mit Gerhard Rein" (1972/76),
ibid., p. 467.
82. P. 161 of this edition.
83. Notizen 1950 bis 1969, Frankfurt am Main 1974, p. 12.
84. MHA: VI 40.245 c.
85. MHA: VI 4.146.
86. MHA: V 118-3-
87. Cf. Salmi's letter to Horkheimer of 5.7.1961 (MHA: V 61.21).
88. MHA: v 61.13-14.
89. Lerrer of 26.2.1962 (MHA: VI 4.181).
90. Letter from Horkheimer to Solmi of 15.8.1962 (MHA.: V 61.1). In the
Italian edition Salmi's name finally no longer appeared but was replaced by the
pseudonym Lionello Vinci-deady a sign of distancing.
91. My rhanks go to Furio Cerutti of Florence for this information.
92. Nico Pasero, Rudolph Bauer, "Aufklarung auf Iralienisch," m Diskus.
FrrmkfiJrter Studentenzeitung, Vol. 17, July 1967, p. 4·
93· In Kritische The01·ie, Vol. II, Frankfurt am Main 1968, p. XI.
94· Ibid. , p. IX.
Nott'J to !'ttp,tJ 240 .!fl 1.H1
95· Cf. Alfred Schmidt, "Die geisrige Phy iognomic Max l lorkheimers, " l ntm ..
duction to Horkheimer, Notizen I9JD-19(H), Pra nldim am Main 1')74• pp. XI.IX,
L, LXVIII.
THE DISAPPEARANCE OF CLASS 111STO l!Y
I. In Studies in Philosophy and Soci,lf Scil'ncr, Vol. IX, 1941, pp. 2.64ll
2. Helmut Dubiel, Alfons Sullner, "Die Narionalsozialismusforschung des Instituts
fur Sozialforschung-ihrc wisscns .:hafrsgcschichtliche Srcllung und ihre gegcnwarrige
Bedeutung," in Wirtschafi, Recht mul Staat im Nationalsozialismus ... ,
op. cit., pp. 7ff; Barbara Brick, Moishe Postonc, " Kririscher Pessimismus und die
Grenzcn des rradirionellen Marxismus," in Sozialforsdmng a/s Kritik, ed. Wolfgang
BonB and Axel Honnerh, Frankfurt am Main 1982., pp. 179ff. In what follows
we base ourselves subsranrially on these texts, without discussing them in
detail. Regarding the context described in these works cf. also: Marrin Jay, Dialektische
Phantasie, Frankfurt am Main I98I, Ch. V, and Alfons Sollner, Geschichte
und Herrschaft, Frankfurt am Main I979, Ch. 3·3·6.
3· "Die gegenwarrige Lage des Kapitalismus und die Aussichten einer planwinschaftlichen
Neuordnung," in Zeitschrift for Sozialforschung, Vol. I, pp. 8ff;
"Bemerkungen zur Wirrschaftskrise," ibid., Vol. II, pp. 32Iff.
4· Quoted from Brick, Posrone, op. cit., p. I84.
5· Cf. "State Capitalism: Its Possibilities and Limitations," in Studies in Philosophy
and Social Science, Vol. IX, 1941, pp. 2ooff.
6. Quoted from Brick, Postone, op. cit., p. 185.
7· Cf. ibid.
8. Cf. ibid., pp. I89f.
9· Franz L. Neumann, Behemoth, New York 1942.
10. Quoted from Dubiel, Sollner, op. cit., p. 18.
II. Ibid.
12. P. xix of this edition.
13. P. 23 of this edition.
14. P. 2I of this edition.
I5. P. 84 of this edition.
I6. P. u6 of this edition.
17. P. 117 of this edition.
18. P. I24 of this edition.
19. P. 17 of this edition.
20. P. 30 of this edition.
21. P. 30 of this edition.
22. P. 95 of this edition.
2.3. P. IJ8 of this edition.
282 Notes to Page 25I
24. P. 210 of this edition.
25. P. 190 of this edition.
26. P. 185 of this edition.
27. Ibid.
28. P. 2 of this edition.
29. Ibid.
30. P. 29 of this edition.
31. Pp. 43 and 6o of this edition.
32. P. u8 of this edition.
33· Pp. 100, 101, 104, and u8 of this edition.
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Jacques Derrida, Negotiations: Interventions and Interviews, 1971-1998, ed.
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Timothy J. Reiss, Against Autonomy: Cultural Instruments, Mutualities, and the
Fictive Imagination
Hent de Vries and Samuel Weber, eds., Religion and Media
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